By  WILLIAM    MANNING 


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THE  "Key  of  Libberty"  manuscripts  came  to  the  Manning  Manse 
(built  in  1696)  from  the  Manning  Farm,  the  estate  of  the  late 
William  Manning,  whose  father,  Theophilus,  was  born  at  the  manse 
and  was  a  brother  of  the  author. 

Theophilus  was  a  farmer  who  never  kept  his  children  from  school  a 
day,  and  whose  favorite  expression  was  "Attend  to  your  work  and 
you  will  not  get  into  mischief." 

His  three  sons,  William  (born  1823),  Theophilus  and  Asa  P., 
originated  the  pop-corn  and  molasses  candy  business  as  school  boys 
in  their  Billerica  home,  from  which  their  product  was  sold  in  large 
loaves  in  Lowell,  Reading  and  Wakefield,  Mass.  As  these  loaves  were 
found  inconvenient  to  retail  from,  they  were  followed  by  corn-balls 
up  to  1862,  then  by  corn-cakes  and  by  patented  cocoanut  corn-cakes. 
W7illiam  was  constantly  devising  special  methods  and  equipment  to 
replace  hand  labor,  and  to  utilize  such  by-products  as  the  "old  maids" 
that  would  not  pop.  Original  models,  containers,  many  documents, 
and  the  first  big  hand  corn-poppers  are  now  in  the  Manning  family 
collection  at  the  manse  in  Billerica,  Mass. 

In  1846,  William  Manning  married  Mary  Ann  Baldwin  from  the 
nearby  Joel  Baldwin  homestead,  built  as  was  his  father's  home,  early 
in  the  last  century. 

In  1849,  ne  acquired  his  own  Manning  farm  in  East  Chelmsford 
near  Lowell,  where  he  soon  built  his  home,  his  first  factory,  and  grew 
seed  for  farmers  in  New  England  and  as  far  west  as  Michigan  to 
grow,  on  some  hundreds  of  acres,  the  5,000  bushels  or  more  of  pop- 
corn required  yearly. 

Island  of  Mayaguez  molasses  was  found  to  be  so  superior  that  100 
hogsheads  per  year  were  used  for  25  years,  nearly  half  the  total 
Island  product. 

In  1867,  a  big  factory  was  erected  on  an  acre  of  land  purchased  in 
Lowell,  on  Broadway,  at  School  Street,  to  meet  demands  from  all 
states.  The  brothers  had  passed  out  of  the  business  long  before  this, 
and  a  young  man  who  had  fought  his  own  way  up  to  success  became 
the  principal  assistant,  married  the  only  daughter,  and  now  presents 
this  book  as  a  tribute  to  his  wife  and  to  his  friend,  William  Manning. 


From.. 


Manning  Farm,  East  Chelmsford  Mass. 


Published  by  the  Manning  Association,  Manning  Manse,  No.  Billerica,  Mass. 

September  1922 


THE   KEY   OF   LIBBERTY 


THE 

KEY   OF   LIBBERTY 


SHEWING   THE    CAUSES    WHY  A  FREE 

GOVERNMENT  HAS  ALWAYS  FAILED, 

AND    A    REMIDY  AGAINST   IT 

Written  in  the  year  1798  by 

WILLIAM     MANNING 

of  Billerica,  Massachusetts 

With  notes  and  a  foreword  by 

SAMUEL  ELIOT  MORISON 
Lecturer  on  History,  Harvard  University 


PUBLISHED  BY 

THE    MANNING  ASSOCIATION 

BILLERICA,  MASSACHUSETTS 

1922 


COPYRIGHT  1922 
BY  WARREN  H.  MANNING 


THE  JORDAN  &   MORE   PRESS 
BOSTON 


Foreword 

William  Manning  was  a  New  England  farmer,  with 
little  in  his  outward  life  to  distinguish  him  from  the 
rest  of  the  Yankee  yeomanry.  His  paternal  ances- 
tors came  to  Massachusetts  from  England,  in  the 
great  Puritan  migration.  He  was  born  in  North 
Billerica  in  1747,  on  the  same  farm  that  his  great- 
grandfather had  hewed  out  of  the  wilderness;  and 
there  he  lived  and  died. 

It  was  a  level,  fertile  farmstead  near  the  Concord 
River,  about  four  miles  from  its  junction  with 
the  Merrimac.  The  house,  now  known  as  the  Old 
Manse,  was  built  by  the  same  pioneer  ancestor  in 
1696.  During  the  Indian  wars  it  served  the  com- 
munity as  a  garrison  house.1  Framed  in  massive 
oak,  boarded  with  weather-rusted  pine  clapboards, 
covered  with  a  shingled  roof  which  sloped  almost  to 
the  ground  on  the  north  side,  the  house  was  already 
old-fashioned  in  1797,  when  its  owner  was  suffering 
the  growing  pains  of  authorship.  Its  few,  small 
rooms,  huddled  about  a  great  central  chimney, 
sheltered  not  only  William  and  Sarah  Manning  and 
ten  or  eleven  of  their  thirteen  children,  but  an  occa- 
sional traveller.  For,  situated  as  it  was  on  the  main 
road  between  the  seacoast  and  the  upper  Merrimac 
Valley,  the  Old  Manse  had  been  used  as  a  tavern 
since  the  time  of  William's  father.  The  tavern 
books,  kept  in  his  hand,  are  still  in  existence,  record- 
ing sundry  gills  of  rum,  mugs  of  flip,  suppers,  nights' 

1  William  H.  Manning,  "  The  Manning  Families  of  New  England,"  Salem, 
1902. 


Foreword 


lodging,  and  baiting  of  horses.  Likewise  are  noted 
many  days'  work,  with  man  and  team,  on  the  Middle- 
sex Canal,  which  passed  within  half  a  mile  of  the 
Old  Manse  on  its  way  to  Boston. 

Our  village  Hampden,  then,  was  fairly  well-off,  by 
the  frugal  standards  of  his  day.  But  his  inner  life 
was  a  turmoil.  The  fire  of  liberty  kindled  in  his 
soul  by  the  flaming  words  of  Otis  and  Adams,  had 
never  died  down.  His  mind  was  not  stagnant,  as 
the  waters  of  the  canal  that  ran  hard  by,  nor  placid 
as  the  Concord  River  which  bordered  his  east 
meadow.  It  was  more  like  the  Merrimac,  the  roar- 
ing of  whose  rapids  rang  in  his  ears  during  the  sleep- 
less nights  when  he  pondered  how  that  liberty  he  had 
fought  to  win,  might  be  preserved. 

When  the  year  1775  opened,  William  Manning  was 
twenty-seven  years  old,  and  the  father  of  four  chil- 
dren. As  sergeant  in  Captain  Solomon  Pollard's 
company  of  minute-men,  he  responded  to  the  alarm 
of  the  nineteenth  of  April,  and  marched  to  Concord, 
arriving  just  too  late  to  take  part  in  the  famous  fight 
at  the  bridge.  Shortly  after,  he  received  a  commis- 
sion as  second  lieutenant,  but  seems  to  have  per- 
formed no  military  service  after  1776.  Ten  years 
later  he  was  chosen  for  two  terms  a  selectman  of  the 
town  of  Billerica.  No  other  facts  of  his  outward 
life  have  been  preserved. 

From  his  "  Key  of  Libberty,"  however,  it  is  easy 
to  deduce  Manning's  attitude  on  the  political  ques- 
tions of  the  day.  He  was  an  out-and-out  Jeffersonian 
Republican.  Like  the  average  American  farmer,  he 
had  a  profound  distrust  of  governors  and  government. 


VI 


Foreword 


The  political  reaction  that  set  in  shortly  after  the 
War  of  Independence,  he  viewed  with  dismay. 
Understanding  neither  the  necessity  of  Hamilton's 
financial  policy,1  nor  the  wisdom  of  Washington's 
foreign  policy,  he  feared,  with  Jefferson,  that  they 
portended  militarism,  a  British  alliance,  and  mon- 
archy. The  French  Revolution,  which  the  clergy, 
the  merchants  and  the  gentry  of  New  England  viewed 
with  horror,  William  Manning  regarded  as  the 
greatest  blessing  in  human  history;  a  beneficient 
spreading  of  that  bonfire  of  tyranny  he  had  helped 
to  kindle  at  Concord  Fight.  Yet  the  country  as  a 
whole  was  slowly  going  over  to  the  Federal  party,  the 
instrument  of  Hamilton's  genius.  Massachusetts, 
owing  to  the  interested  efforts  of  the  merchants,  and 
the  influence  of  the  clergy,  had  become  a  stronghold 
of  Federalism.  But  Manning  was  not  converted. 
It  used  to  be  said  of  him  by  his  friends  that  if  William 
Manning  were  drowned,  they  would  seek  his  body 
up-stream,  for  he  would  surely  not  float  down  with 
the  current  like  other  people! 

William  Manning  was  "  teased  in  his  mind  with 
these  things,"  as  he  writes  "  for  many  years."  How 
could  Americans,  who  had  fought  for  freedom  and 
liberty  in  1776,  vote  for  autocracy  and  slavery  in 
1796?  Evidently,  because  they  were  misled  by  in- 
terested persons.  What  was  the  remedy?  Correct 
information,  and  a  union  of  the  plain  people  against 
the  interested  few. 

1  Manning,  in  fact,  had  a  financial  policy  of  his  own.  In  the  family  archives 
is  an  essay  in  his  hand  entitled,  "  Some  proposals  for  Makeing  Restitution  to  the 
Original  Credtors  of  Government  &  to  helpe  the  Continant  to  a  Mediam  of  trade. 
Submited  to  the  Consideration  of  the  Members  of  the  State  Legislater  of  Massa- 
chusets  February  the  6t  1790." 


Vll 


Foreword 


It  must  have  been  difficult  for  this  untutored 
farmer  to  reduce  his  thoughts  to  order,  and  still  more 
to  put  them  on  paper.  His  spelling  lends  color  to 
his  statement  that  he  never  had  six  months'  schooling 
in  his  life.  But  in  the  latter  part  of  1797  the  situa- 
tion became  so  alarming,  from  his  point  of  view,  that 
he  could  no  longer  confine  his  thoughts  to  neighbors, 
and  the  unwilling  ears  of  tired  travellers. 

Following  the  ratification  of  Jay's  Anglo-American 
treaty,  which  the  Jeffersonians  regarded  as  shame- 
ful, the  French  Republic  took  umbrage,  and 
loosed  its  corsairs  at  the  new  American  merchant 
marine.  Here  was  the  opportunity  of  the  high 
Federalists  to  turn  American  patriotism  against  its 
former  ally,  to  enter  the  monarchical  alliance  that 
was  seeking  to  crush  the  French  Republic,  to  dis- 
credit American  democracy,  and  to  militarize  the 
United  States.  President  Adams  had  sent  a  mission 
to  France  to  demand  reparation.  Nothing  as  yet 
had  been  heard  from  it.  But  military  and  naval 
preparations  were  being  pushed  at  Philadelphia. 
There  was  talk  of  passing  laws  to  banish  the  republi- 
can refugees  who  had  sought  our  shores,  and  to 
silence  the  Republican  press  and  politicians  who 
dared  to  oppose.  So,  with  goose-quill  and  ink-horn, 
forming  the  letters  one  by  one  like  a  child,  William 
Manning  wrote  his  "  Key  of  Libberty,"  made  a  fair 
copy,  and  sent  it  to  the  editor  of  the  Independent 
Chronicle,  the  only  Jeffersonian  newspaper  in  Boston. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  see  why  the  "  Key  of  Libberty  ' 
was  never  published,  at  least  by  the  Chronicle.     The 
"  remidy  "  that  William  Manning  prescribed,  would 


Vlll 


Foreword 


have  put  the  Republican  doctors  out  of  business.  A 
nation-wide  association  of  laborers  and  farmers, 
publishing  a  monthly  magazine  to  supersede  the 
newspaper  press,  would  hardly  appeal  to  a  newspaper 
publisher.  And  the  threatened  storm  broke  in 
April,  1798,  the  very  month  that  the  manuscript  was 
submitted.  Our  envoys  at  Paris  reported  their 
famous  negotiations  with  messieurs  X,  Y  and  Z, 
whose  insolent  demands  seemed  completely  to  justify 
the  Federalist  policy.  Presently  the  continent  was 
resounding  with  "  Adams  and  Liberty,"  "  Millions 
for  defense  and  not  one  cent  for  tribute,"  and  the 
like.  Military  preparations  were  hastened.  What 
amounted  to  a  naval  war  with  France  began.  Jeffer- 
sonian  Republicans  were  regarded  as  little  better 
than  traitors.  A  sedition  Act  was  passed,  and 
several  Republican  editors  spent  a  term  in  jail  for 
writing  against  the  war,  and  warning  the  American 
people  that  they  were  being  deceived. 

Among  the  victims  of  this  persecution  was  the 
very  editor  to  whom  Manning  had  sent  his  "  Key." 
Thomas  Adams,  proprietor  and  editor  of  the  Chron- 
icle, and  Abijah  Adams,  his  brother  and  clerk,  were 
arraigned  for  seditious  libel,  on  account  of  some 
favorable  remarks  on  the  Virginia  Resolves  of  '98 
which  denounced  the  Sedition  Act.  Thomas  Adams 
died  before  his  trial  came  on,  but  Abijah  served  a 
term  of  thirty  days  in  jail  for  his  newspaper's  te- 
merity. Altogether  this  "  Federalist  Reign  of  Ter- 
ror," as  the  Republicans  called  it,  was  the  worst 
period  of  reaction  in  American  history,  previous  to 
the  World  War. 


IX 


Foreword 


The  manuscript  was  returned  unread,  but  its 
author  did  not  lose  heart.  Almost  a  year  after  his 
first  attempt  to  break  into  print,  William  Manning 
made  an  abridgement  of  the  "  Key  "  which  he  sent 
to  Abijah  Adams  with  the  following  letter1 

Mr.  Addams     Sir 

As  this  peace  was  laid  before  you  last  April 
for  your  opinnion  upon  it,  &  you  then  seemed 
to  regret  the  want  of  helth  &  lasure  to  give  it 
a  perusal,  the  Author  haveing  drafted  it  over 
&  made  it  shorter,  he  again  requests  you  to 
give  it  a  thorough  persual,  &  if  you  think 
proper  to  take  the  opinion  of  some  of  the 
Boston  Republicans  upon  it.  For  it  is  thought 
that  if  all  or  a  major  part  of  the  Republican 
printers,  would  Unite  (under  our  present  cir- 
cumstances) to  publish  it  with  a  page  or  two 
left  blank  ready  for  signing,  &  at  the  same 
time  advertise  the  magazen  Described  in  it, 
such  a  society  would  be  immediately  formed, 
&  would  make  a  common  cause  of  defending 
the  Libberty  of  the  press,  So  that  Republican 
printers  would  not  be  personal  sufferers  by  any 
prosicutions  what  ever. 

It  is  also  thought  that  unless  some  spedy 
&  cheeper  method  is  adopted  to  convey 
knoledg  than  by  the  present  mode  of  news- 
papers we  shall  not  injoy  the  Libberty  of  the 
press  long,  for  their  is  not  one  fift  part  of  the 

1  Printed  from  Manning's  copy.  It  was  probably  dated  February  15,  1799, 
which  is  the  date  on  "  A  further  description  of  the  proposed  Labourers  Monthly 
Magazen,"  on  the  back  of  the  same  sheet  of  paper. 


Foreword 


common  farmers  &  labourers  that  are  the  most 
interested  in  the  measures  of  the  times,  that 
git  any  information  from  them,  for  they  can- 
not be  at  the  expence  of  the  time  &  money 
they  cost. 

Therefore  you  are  again  requested  to  give 
it  a  thorough  perusal. 

The  barer  will  leave  it  with  you,  &  it  will 
be  called  for  again  in  the  corse  of  a  month, 
purhaps.  But  if  it  should  be  thought  worthey 
of  atention  sooner,  if  you  will  inserte  a  single 
line  in  the  chronicle  that,  a  conference  is  de- 
sired with  the  Labourer,  it  will  be  Immediately 
attended  to. 

N.B.  that  the  peace  is  defitient  in  Many 
respects  is  a  truth.  But  if  on  the  hole  it  is 
thought  worth  printing  it  is  proposed  to  have 
it  drafted  over  &  corected  by  some  Larned 
Republican. 

This  "  peace  "  evidently  met  the  same  fate  as  the 
first.  It  was  certainly  never  printed  in  the  Chronicle, 
nor,  is  it  likely,  anywhere  else.  There  is  no  record 
in  the  Manning  papers  of  any  further  correspondence 
on  the  subject. 

Manning  was  probably  consoled  by  the  election  of 
his  hero,  Thomas  Jefferson,  to  the  presidency  in  1801. 
But  he  must  once  more  have  lamented  the  lack  of 
correct  information  among  the  people,  when  the 
Federalists  recovered  their  hold  on  New  England, 
and  pursued  a  narrow  sectional  policy  which  cul- 
minated in  the  Hartford  Convention.  Shortly  before 

xi 


Foreword 


that  event,  on  October  21,  1814,  William  Manning 
died,  in  the  house  where  he  had  always  lived.  He 
was  survived  by  his  widow,  by  several  married  chil- 
dren who  lived  elsewhere,  and  by  his  unmarried 
children  William,  Jephthah,  Sarah,  Lucretia,  Luna, 
Roxa,  Lucinda  and  Jerusha.  They  maintained  the 
farm  and  tavern  as  before,  until  1857,  when  the  last 
survivor  moved  away.1 

And  what  of  the  "  Key  of  Libberty  "  ?  We  do 
not  claim  to  have  discovered  a  forgotten  Locke  or  a 
homespun  Montesquieu.  Yet  apart  from  its  value 
as  a  curiosity  —  the  extraordinary  spelling,  the  dic- 
tion, racy  of  New  England  soil,  the  shrewd  home- 
thrusts  on  current  politics  —  the  work  has  merits. 
William  Manning  appears  to  have  discovered  for 
himself  what  many  great  minds  have  exposed  as  a 
fundamental  weakness  of  democracy  —  the  fact 
that  its  successful  working  requires  an  educated  and 
informed  electorate.  Unlike  most  American  reform- 
ers, Manning  did  not  seek  salvation  in  an  exten- 
sion of  the  franchise,  although  the  Massachusetts  of 
his  day  lacked  even  full  manhood  suffrage.  Nor  did 
he  wish  any  radical  alteration  of  political  machinery. 
Instead,  he  hoped  to  enlighten  the  existing  electorate, 
the  great  mass  of  which  was  unable  to  obtain  correct 
information  on  current  issues.  This  defect  in  de- 
mocracy, it  may  be  said,  is  as  glaring  today  as  it  was 
in  1798.  In  spite  of  the  cheap  daily  and  weekly 
press,  it  is  difficult  even  for  an  educated  person  who 
wants  the  truth  on  men  and  measures,  to  obtain  it. 

The   other  element  of  originality   in   Manning's 

1  Lucinda  Manning,  who  died  in  1880,  left  the  estate  to  trustees,  the  income 
to  be  used  for  religious  instruction. 


Xll 


Foreword 


work,  is  his  discovery  of  the  value  of  association.  No 
other  American  political  writer  of  the  Revolutionary 
generation  seems  to  have  apprehended  this  truth  as 
a  general  principle,  although  leaders  like  Samuel 
Adams  devised  political  machinery  for  definite  ends. 
As  Manning  shrewdly  observed,  the  upper  classes  of 
the  community,  the  merchants,  lawyers,  ministers 
and  physicians,  all  had  their  associations,  through 
which  they  obtained  favorable  legislation  and  a 
friendly  press.  To  prevent  these  small  classes  per- 
verting the  Republic  to  their  selfish  purposes,  Man- 
ning would  establish  a  nation-wide  association  of 
the  "  Many,"  the  farmers  and  laborers. 

Unknown  to  Manning,  the  crude  foundations  of 
American  trade  unionism  were  being  laid  at  Phila- 
delphia at  the  time  he  wrote.  But  American  trade 
unionism  has  always  been  divided  within  itself,  and 
pursued  economic  rather  than  political  ends.  Man- 
ning's aim  is  nearer  that  of  the  British  Labour  Party, 
or  of  the  Non-partisan  League,  than  of  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor.  His  proposal,  looking  as  it 
does  to  an  eventual  world-wide  association,  is  a 
lonely  American  whisper  of  Karl  Marx's  cry,  "  Work- 
ers of  the  World,  Unite!  " 

In  his  remarks  on  current  political  issues,  Manning 
is  rather  narrow  and  partisan,  repeating  for  the  most 
part  the  views  of  his  favorite  paper,  the  Chronicle. 
His  mind  was  evidently  of  a  type  not  yet  wholly  ex- 
tinct in  rural  New  England;  misinformed  and 
prejudiced  on  particular  issues,  but  shrewd  and 
penetrating  on  general  principles. 

Had  the  "  Key  of  Libberty,"  in  a  more  polished 


Xlll 


Foreword 


form,  been  found  among  the  papers  of  some  well- 
known  statesman  of  Manning's  generation,  it  would 
long  since  have  been  printed  and  commented  upon. 
Had  an  Adams  been  the  author,  there  would  prob- 
ably have  been  a  book  written  about  it.  Yet  the 
appearance  of  so  much  political  acumen  and  origi- 
nality in  so  obscure  a  source,  would  be  more  aston- 
ishing today  than  at  the  time  Manning  lived.  The 
New  England  farmer  of  that  period  was  politically 
minded.  The  talent  for  analysis  and  discussion, 
inherited  from  his  Calvinist  ancestors,  had  been 
turned  to  political  objects  by  the  contest  with  Eng- 
land, and  the  need  for  new  political  institutions. 
Some  years  ago,  in  a  study  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Massachusetts  Constitution  of  1780,1  I  probed  into 
strata  of  political  thought  that  had  never  gotten  into 
print;  and  found  that  the  ordinary  voters  had  de- 
tected most  of  the  flaws  that  time  and  experience 
discovered  in  the  Constitution  of  Massachusetts. 
Professor  Harold  J.  Laski  of  the  University  of 
London,  an  authority  on  the  history  of  political 
theory,  agreed  with  me  that  with  the  sole  exception 
of  England  of  the  Commonwealth,  no  community  in 
modern  history  has  been  so  fecund  in  political 
thought,  as  America  in  the  revolutionary  generation. 
Manning  belonged  to  this  generation;  and  his 
"  Key  "  is  proof  that  in  1797  its  mental  energy  had 
not  yet  been  spent.  Not  improbably  there  were 
hundreds  of  New  England  farmers  who  were  Man- 
ning's equal  in  political  theory.  We  are  fortunate, 
indeed,  to  discover  one  who  put  his  thoughts  on  paper. 

1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  L.,  353. 


XIV 


Foreword 


A  few  years  ago  the  Old  Manse,  where  generations 
of  Mannings  lived  and  labored,  was  saved  from  de- 
struction, restored  with  loving  care,  and  made  the 
headquarters  of  the  Manning  Family  Association, 
which  is  composed  of  descendants  of  the  first  Man- 
ning who  emigrated  from  England  to  the  colonies 
in  1633.  To  this  association,  and  more  particularly 
to  its  secretary,  Mr.  Warren  H.  Manning,  who  lives 
on  the  old  farm  at  North  Billerica,  is  due  the  credit 
for  preserving  the  family  archives,  among  which  the 
'*  Key  of  Libberty  "  was  discovered.  By  publishing 
this  forgotten  manuscript,  the  Association  is  help- 
ing to  maintain  —  or  to  revive,  if  you  will  —  the 
great  American  tradition  of  liberty. 

S.  E.  MORISON. 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY, 
February,  1922. 


xv 


The   Key  of  Libberty. 

Shewing  the  Causes  why  a  free  government  has 

Always  Failed,  and  a  Remidy  against  it. 

Adresed  to  the  Republicans,  Farmers, 

Mecanicks,    &?  Labourers 
In  the  United  States  of  Amarica 

By  a  Labourer. 
Finished  February  the  20th,  1798. 


The  Contents 

PAGE 

FOREWORD v 

INTRODUCTION 3 

A   GENERAL   DESCRIPTION   OF  THE   CAUSES   THAT   RUEN 

REPUBLICKS 5 

A  Description  of  Mankind  &  Nesecaty  of  Government  7 

A  Description  of  a  Free  Government 10 

Shews  how  the  Few  and  Many  Differ  in  Their  Interests  14 

The  Meens  by  which  the  Few  Destroy  it    .      .      .      .  19 

Elustrating  Remarks 24 

On  the  Society  of  Cincinaty 24 

On  Speculators,  Stock  &  Land  Jobers 25 

On  Doctors;  On  Marchents 26 

On  Literary  Men  &  Coledges 27 

On  Ministers  of  the  Gospel 28 

On  Juditial  &  Executive  Officers 30 

On  Lawyors 33 

On  Laming 35 

On  Knowledge 36 

On  Elections 37 

On  the  Constitution  of  Massachusetts 38 

On  the  Federal  Constitution 39 

On  the  Adoption  of  the  British  Trety 44 


The  Contents — Continued 

PAGE 

On  the  Treaty  &  War  with  France 47 

On  the  Pitsburge  Insurrection;  On  the  Indian  War    .  51 

On  the  Shais  Afaire  in  Masachusets 52 

On  the  Funding  Sistim      .      . 55 

On  the  Name  of  Woshingtone 56 

On  Partyes 57 

THE  REMIDY 60 

Knowledge  nesecary  for  a  Freeman 61 

The  Meens  of  Obtaining  it 61 

Vindicating  Remarkes 62 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  LABOURING  SOCIETY      ....  67 

THE  COVENANT 71 


THE   KEY   OF   LIBBERTY 


NOTE 

The  essay  has  not  been  "  drafted  over  &  corrected  by  some 
Larned  Republican,"  as  William  Manning  suggested;  we  have 
thought  best  "  on  the  hole  "  to  print  it  verbatim  et  literatim^ 
from  one  of  the  three  manuscript  copies,  in  the  author's  hand. 
No  liberties  have  been  taken  with  the  author's  spelling  and 
grammar,  but  as  he  began  almost  every  other  word  with  a  capital 
letter,  we  have  reduced  many  of  these  to  lower  case,  in  order  to 
make  a  more  legible  page.  Some  of  the  longer  paragraphs  have 
been  divided,  and  punctuation  has  frequently  been  supplied  in 
order  to  bring  out  the  meaning. 


THE   KEY   OF    LIBBERTY 


all  the  Republicans i  Farmers,  Mecan- 
cksj  and  Labourers  In  Amarica  your 
Canded  attention  is  Requested  to  the  Senti- 
ments of  a  Labourer 

Introduction 

Learning  £5?  Knowledg  is  assential  to  the  preservation 
of  Libberty  £s?  unless  we  have  more  of  it  amongue  us  we 
Cannot  Seporte  our  Libertyes  Long. 

I  am  not  a  Man  of  Laming  my  selfe  for  I  neaver 
had  the  advantage  of  six  months  schooling  in  my 
life.  I  am  no  traveler  for  I  neaver  was  50  Miles 
from  whare  I  was  born  in  no  direction,  &  I  am  no 
grate  reader  of  antiant  history  for  I  always  followed 
hard  labour  for  a  living.  But  I  always  thought  it 
My  duty  to  search  into  &  see  for  my  selfe  in  all 
maters  that  consansed  me  as  a  member  of  society, 
&  when  the  war  began  betwen  Brittan  &  Amarica 
I  was  in  the  prime  of  Life  &  highly  taken  up  with 
Liberty  &  a  free  Government.  I  See  almost  the 
first  blood  that  was  shed  in  Concord  fite  &  scores  of 
men  dead,  dying  &  wounded  in  the  Cause  of  Lib- 
berty, which  caused  serious  sencations  in  my  mind. 

But  I  beleived  then  &  still  believ  it  is  a  good  cause 
which  we  aught  to  defend  to  the  very  last,  &  I  have 
bin  a  Constant  Reader  of  publick  Newspapers  & 
closely  attended  to  men  &  measures  ever  sence, 

[3] 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 

through  the  war,  through  the  operation  of  paper 
money,  framing  Constitutions,  makeing  &  con- 
structing Laws,  &  seeing  what  selfish  &  contracted 
ideayes  of  interests  would  influence  the  best  picked 
men  &  bodyes  of  men. 

I  have  often  thought  it  was  imposable  ever  to 
seport  a  free  Government,  but  firmly  believing  it  to 
be  the  best  sort  &  the  ondly  one  approved  oflf  by 
heaven  it  was  my  unweryed  study  &  prayers  to  the 
almighty  for  many  years  to  find  out  the  real  cause 
&  a  remidy  and  I  have  for  many  years  bin  satisfyed 
in  my  own  mind  what  the  causes  are  &  what  would  in 
a  grate  measure  prove  a  reamidy  provided  it  was 
carried  into  efect. 

But  I  had  no  thoughts  of  publishing  my  sentiments 
on  it  untill  the  adoption  of  the  Brittish  trety1  in  the 
manner  it  has  bin  done.  But  seeing  the  unweryed 
pains  &  the  unjustifyable  masures  taken  by  large 
numbers  of  all  ordirs  of  men  who  git  a  living  without 
labour  in  Elections  &  many  other  things  to  ingure 
the  interests  of  the  Labourer  &  deprive  us  of  the 
priviledges  of  a  free  government,  I  came  to  a  resolu- 
tion (although  I  have  nither  larning  nor  lasure  for 
the  purpose)  to  improve  on  my  Constitutional  Right 
&  give  you  my  sentiments  on  what  the  causes  are  & 
a  remidy. 

In  doing  which  I  must  study  bravity  throughout 
the  hole  &  but  just  touch  on  many  things  on  which 
voloms  mite  be  written,  but  hope  I  shall  do  it  so  as 
to  be  understood,  and  as  I  have  no  room  for  compli- 
ments &  shall  often  make  observations  on  sundry 

1  Jay's  treaty  of  1794  with  great  Britain,  frequently  mentioned  hereinafter. 

[4] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


ordirs  of  men  &  their  conduct,  I  beg  leave  once  for 
all  to  observe  that  I  am  far  from  thinking  any  ordirs 
of  men  who  live  with  out  Labour  are  intirely  needless 
or  that  they  are  all  chargable  with  blame.  But  on 
the  conterary  I  firmly  believe  that  their  is  a  large 
number  in  all  ordirs  who  are  true  frinds  to  Libberty 
&  that  it  is  from  them  that  Libberty  always  has  & 
allways  will  receive  its  prinsaple  seport.  But  I 
also  beleive  that  a  large  majority  of  them  are  actu- 
ated by  very  different  prinsaples.  Also  as  I  am  not 
furnished  with  Documents  &  other  Information 
that  would  be  usefull  I  may  represent  Some  things 
different  from  what  they  really  are  &  so  desire  that 
they  may  be  taken  ondly  as  my  Opinnion  &  belived 
no  further  than  they  appear  Evident. 

A  General   Description  of  the  Causes  that 
Ruen  Republicks 

The  Causes  that  I  shall  Indeavor  to  Make  appear 
are  a  Conceived  Difference  of  Interests  Betwen  those 
that  Labour  for  a  Living  &  those  that  git  a  Living  with- 
out Bodily  Labour. 

This  is  no  new  docterin  if  I  may  judge  from  the 
many  scraps  of  history  I  have  Seen  of  antiant  Re- 
publicks. The  best  information  I  ever  had  on  this 
Subject  &  the  gratest  colection  of  historical  accounts 
was  by  a  writer  who  wrote  ten  long  numbers  in  the 
Chronicle  in  December  [17]85  &  January  86  stileing 
himselfe  a  Free  Republican. 

In  his  4  first  numbers  he  recites  a  long  &  blody 
history  about  the  fudes  &  animosityes,  contentions 

[5] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


&  blood  sheds  that  hapned  in  the  antiant  Republicks 
of  Athens,  Greesh  &  Roome  &  many  other  nations, 
betwen  the  few  &  Many,  the  Perthiens,1  &  Plebians, 
Rich  &  poor,  Dettor  &  Creditor,  &cc.  In  his  5th 
No.  he  draws  the  dividing  line  betwen  the  few  & 
the  many  as  they  apply  to  us  in  Amarica  —  amongue 
the  few  he  reacons  the  marchent,  phesition  the  law- 
yer &  divine  and  all  in  the  literary  walkes  of  Life, 
the  Juditial  &  Executive  oficers  &  all  the  rich  who 
could  live  with  out  bodily  labour,  so  that  the  hole 
controvercy  was  betwen  those  that  labour  for  a 
living  &  those  who  do  not.  Then  tryes  to  prove 
that  unless  these  few  can  have  wait  or  influence  in 
the  Government  according  to  their  property  &  high 
stations  in  life  it  can  not  be  free.  Then  goes  on  to 
shew  how  a  government  aught  to  be  ballenced  and 
proposes  grate  alterations  in  the  Constitution  of 
Masachusets  —  better  to  acomidate  the  Interests  of 
the  few --wishes  to  have  the  Senet  represent  the 
hole  property  of  the  State  &  the  Representitives  the 
persons  ondly,  &  the  Govenour  to  have  as  compleet 
a  nagative  on  both  as  the  King  of  Ingland  has  on 
the  Parlement,  which  he  thinks  cant  be  so  long  as 
the  people  vote  annully  for  Govenour  &  Senetors. 

These  Sentiments  being  urged  in  such  a  masterly 
manner  just  before  the  adoption  of  the  federal 
Constitution,  &  have  bin  so  closely  followed  by  the 
administration  eversence,  (although  they  are  directly 
contrary  to  the  prinsaples  of  a  free  government  &  no 
dout  written  to  destroy  it)  yet  if  they  ware  repub- 
lished  they  would  be  of  servis  to  the  peopel  in  many 

1  This  is  probably  as  near  as  the  author  could  get  to  "  patricians." 

[6] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


things  &  convince  the  author  (if  he  is  yet  alive) 
that  his  unweried  resarches  for  his  ten  numbers  ware 
not  intirely  lost  any  more  than  the  doings  of  Josephs 
Brethering  ware  when  they  sold  him  into  Egypt,  & 
they  would  prove  the  truth  of  the  reasons  I  give  & 
the  need  of  the  Remidy  I  shall  describe. 

I  have  often  Looked  over  those  ten  Nos.  &  Searched 
other  historyes  to  satisfy  my  selfe  as  to  the  truth  of 
his  asertions,  but  am  very  far  from  thinking  as  he 
doth --that  the  destruction  of  free  governments 
arises  from  the  Licentiousness  of  the  Many  or  their 
Representatives,  but  on  the  conterary  shall  indever 
to  prove  that  their  destruction  always  arises  from 
the  ungoverned  dispositions  &  Combinations  of  the 
few,  &  the  ignorance  of  the  Many.  Which  I  Shall 
attempt  in  the  following  Manner:  - 

1.  Give  a  Description  of  Mankind  &  nesecaty  of 
Government.  21y.  Give  a  Description  of  a  free 
government  &  its  administration.  31y  Shew  how 
the  few  &  Many  differ  in  interests  under  its  oppera- 
tion.  41y  Shew  how  &  by  what  meens  the  few 
destroy  it.  Sly  Elustrate  by  sundry  remarkes 
on  the  opperations  of  these  causes  in  our  governments. 

1.     A  Description  of  Mankind  &  Nesecaty 
of  government 

To  search  into  &  know  our  selves  is  of  the  gratest 
importance,  &  the  want  of  it  is  the  cause  of  the 
gratest  evils  suffered  in  Society.  If  we  knew  what 
alterations  might  be  made  in  our  Minds  &  Conduct 
by  alterations  in  our  Edication,  age,  Circumstances, 

[7] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


&  Conditions  in  this  Life,  we  should  be  vastly  less 
sensorious  on  others  for  their  conduct,  &  more 
cautious  of  of  trusting  them  when  their  was  no  need 
of  it. 

Men  are  born  &  grow  up  in  this  world  with  a  vast 
veriaty  of  capacityes,  strength  &  abilityes  both  of 
Body  &  Mind,  &  have  strongly  implanted  within 
them  numerous  pashons  &  lusts  continually  urging 
them  to  fraud  violence  &  acts  of  injustis  toards  one 
another.  He  has  implanted  in  him  a  sence  of  Right 
&  Rong,  so  that  if  he  would  always  follow  the  dic- 
tates of  Contiance  &  consider  the  advantages  of 
Society  &  mutual  assistance  he  would  need  no  other 
Law  or  Government.  Yet  as  he  is  sentanced  by  the 
just  decrees  of  heaven  to  hard  Labour  for  a  Living 
in  this  world,  &  has  so  strongly  implanted  in  him  a 
desire  of  Selfe  Seporte,  Selfe  Defence,  Selfe  Love, 
Selfe  Conceit,  Selfe  Importance,  &  Selfe  agrandise- 
ment,  that  it  Ingroses  all  his  care  and  attention  so 
that  he  can  see  nothing  beyond  Selfe  —  for  Selfe 
(as  once  described  by  a  Divine)  is  like  an  object 
plased  before  the  eye  that  hinders  the  sight  of  every 
thing  beyond. 

This  Selfishness  may  be  deserned  in  all  persons, 
let  their  conditions  in  life  be  what  they  will,  &  it 
opperates  so  pourfully  as  to  disqualify  them  from 
judgeing  impartially  in  their  own  cause,  &  a  persons 
being  raised  to  stations  of  high  Honour  &  trust 
doth  not  clear  him  from  this  selfeishness.  But  on 
the  conterary  it  is  a  solemn  truth  that  the  higher  a 
Man  is  raised  in  stations  of  honour  power  and  trust 
the  greater  are  his  temtations  to  do  rong  &  gratify 

[81 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


those  selfeish  prinsaples.  Give  a  man  honour  &  he 
wants  more.  Give  him  power  &  he  wants  more. 
Give  him  money  &  he  wants  more.  In  short  he  is 
neaver  easy,  but  the  more  he  has  the  more  he  wants. 

The  most  comprehensive  description  of  Man  I 
ever  saw  was  by  a  writer  as  folio  we  th: --Viz  — 
Man  is  a  being  made  up  of  Selfe  Love  seeking  his 
own  hapiness  to  the  misery  of  all  around  him,  who 
would  Damne  a  world  to  save  him  selfe  from  tem- 
poral or  other  punishment,  &  he  who  denyes  this  to 
be  his  real  carrictor  is  ignorant  of  him  selfe,  or  else 
is  more  than  a  man. 

Many  persons  ware  they  to  hear  such  a  description 
of  themselves  would  cry  out  as  Haziel  did,  *  what,  is 
thy  Servent  a  Dog  '  &CC.1  But  if  they  should  once 
git  into  the  circumstances  he  was  in,  &  have  the 
power  &  temtations  he  had,  they  would  prove  them- 
selves to  be  just  such  a  Doge  as  he  did.  Haman  is 
annother  striking  evidence  of  the  depravity  &  pride 
of  the  human  hart,  for  though  he  could  boste  of  the 
highest  preferments  in  the  gratest  kingdom  on  Earth, 
the  poor  Divel  exclamed  *  all  this  avails  me  nothing 
so  long  as  Mordica  refuses  to  bow  the  knee.' 

From  this  disposition  of  Man  or  the  depravity  of 
the  human  hart,  arises  not  ondly  the  advantage  but 
the  absolute  nesecaty  of  Sivil  government  —  without 
it  Mankind  would  be  continually  at  war  on  their  own 
spetia,  stealing  roving  fighting  with  &  killing  one 
another.  This  all  Nations  on  Earth  have  bin  con- 
vinced off,  and  have  established  it  in  some  form  or 
other,  &  their  soul  aime  in  doing  it  is  their  safty  & 

1  2  Kings  viii,  13. 

[9] 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


hapyness.  But  for  want  of  wisdom  or  some  plan  to 
curb  the  ambition  &  govern  those  to  hoom  they  gave 
power,  they  have  often  bin  brought  to  suffer  as 
Much  under  their  governments  as  they  would  with- 
out any  —  and  it  still  remains  uncartain  wheather 
any  such  plan  can  be  found  out  or  not. 

2dly.     A  Description  of  a  free  Government 
&  its  administration. 

Their  are  many  sorts  of  governments,  or  rather 
names  by  which  they  are  distinguished,  Such  as 
Dispotick,  Monorcal,  &  Aristrocraticle.  In  these 
the  power  to  govern  is  in  the  hands  of  one  or  a  few 
to  govern  as  they  pleas,  consiquently  they  are  mas- 
ters &  not  servents  so,  that  the  government  is  not  free. 

Their  are  also  sundry  names  by  which  free  govern- 
ments are  described,  such  as  Democratical,  Repub- 
lican, Elective,  all  which  I  take  to  be  senominus 
tarmes,  or  that  all  those  nations  who  ever  adopted 
them  aimed  at  nearly  the  same  thing,  viz.  to  be 
governed  by  known  Laws  in  which  the  hole  nation 
had  a  Voice  in  making,  by  a  full  and  fair  Represen- 
tation, &  in  which  all  the  officers  in  every  department 
of  Government  are  (or  aught  to  be)  servents  &  not 
masters.  Grate  panes  has  bin  taken  &  the  wisdom 
of  many  Nations  &  States  have  bin  put  to  the  racke, 
to  delineate  the  rights  of  the  peopel  &  powers  of 
government  &  forme  Constitutions  so  that  the  bles- 
ings  of  government  might  be  injoyed  without  being 
oppresed  by  them,  and  it  is  thought  that  it  has  bin 
much  improved  upon  sence  the  Amarican  Revolution. 

f  101 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


The  Constitution  of  Masachusets,  although  it 
doth  not  meterially  differ  from  all  the  other  Consti- 
tutions on  the  Continant,  yet  as  it  was  later  made  & 
the  Convention  who  formed  it  had  the  advantage  of 
the  others,  took  more  time  &  fixed  a  Bill  of  Rights 
to  it,  it  is  generally  thought  both  in  Urope  &  Amarica 
to  be  the  compleatest  modle  of  a  free  government  of 
any  existing.  France  has  immitated  it  in  her  Con- 
stitution &  the  Federal  Constitution  by  a  fair  con- 
struction both  not  meterially  differ  from  it.  There- 
fore I  shall  describe  a  free  government  prinsaply 
from  it. 

In  the  Bill  of  Rights  it  declares  all  men  to  be  free 
&  equel  as  to  their  rights  in  &  under  the  government, 
as  in  Art.  1,  &  that  all  power  lays  in  the  peopel  & 
all  the  officers  of  government  are  their  servents  & 
accountable  to  them,  as  in  Art.  5.  No  man,  Cor- 
poration, or  Body  of  Men  however  high  by  birth 
riches  or  honour  have  no  right  by  them  any  more 
than  the  poorest  man  in  the  government,  as  in  Art. 
6  &  7th.  The  people  have  the  Sole  right  to  reforme, 
alter  &  totally  change  their  Constitution  or  Adminis- 
tration of  government  when  they  pleas,  as  In  Art. 
7th,  And  have  a  right  to  meet  and  deliberate  on  all 
matters  of  government  at  such  times  &  in  such 
places  &  bodyes  as  they  pleas,  provided  they  do  it 
in  a  peasable  Manner,  as  In  Art.  19th.  The  people 
have  a  right  to  know  &  convey  to  each  other  their 
sentiments  &  circumstances  through  the  medium  of 
the  press,  as  in  Art.  16th. 

A  free  Government  is  a  government  of  laws  made 
by  the  free  consent  of  a  majority  of  the  hole  people, 

[in 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


But  as  it  is  Impossable  for  a  hole  Nation  to  meet  to 
gether  &  deliberate,  So  all  their  laws  Must  be  made 
judged  &  executed  by  men  chosen  &  appointed  for 
that  purpose.  And  the  Duty  of  all  those  men  are 
to  act  &  do  in  makeing  judging  &  executing  those 
laws  just  as  all  the  people  would,  provided  they  ware 
all  together  &  equilly  knew  what  was  for  their  in- 
terest. If  any  of  said  officers  or  any  who  are  chosen 
to  elect  or  appoint  any  person  into  office  doth  any 
thing  conterary  to  the  true  interests  of  the  majority 
of  the  peopel,  he  violates  his  trust  and  aught  to  be 
punnished  for  it. 

In  makeing  laws  in  a  free  Government  their  cannot 
be  two  much  pains  or  caution  used  to  have  them 
plain  to  be  understood  &  not  two  numerous  to  this 
end.  And  as  all  bodyes  of  men  are  liable  to  the  same 
rashness  &  mistakes  as  individuals  are,  it  is  nesecary 
that  the  Lejeslature  Should  be  divided  into  two 
Branches,  a  Senet  &  house  of  Representitives  (not 
that  they  have  seperate  interests  or  objects  to  act 
from  as  some  pretend),  but  that  they  may  gard 
against  each  others  rashness  &  mistakes  &  to  see 
that  the  laws  are  made  plane  &  not  too  numerous. 
And  as  a  further  gard  against  unnesesary  laws  the 
Executive  may  have  a  partial  negative  on  the  pasing 
of  laws,  &  in  dificult  cases  the  opinnion  of  the  Judges 
may  be  called  in  (not  that  the  Juditial  or  Executive 
powers  aught  to  have  a  Voice  in  saying  wheather  a 
law  is  nesecary  or  not),  but  wheather  it  can  be 
carryed  in  to  execution  or  not.  For  their  is  nothing 
more  assential  in  a  free  Government  than  to  keep  the 
Legeslative,  Juditial  &  Executive  powers  intirely 

[121 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


separate,  as  in  Art.  30,  not  only  seperate  Departments 
but  intirely  different  sets  of  men  (for  reasons  which 
I  shall  hereafter  give). 

The  Bisness  &  Duty  of  the  Juditial  power  is  to 
hear  &  exammine  all  complaints  &  breaches  of  the 
law  &  pass  sentance  (not  on  the  law  wheather  it  is 
good  or  not)  but  wheather  it  is  broken  or  not  &  in 
every  respect  according  to  law. 

The  Bisness  &  Duty  of  the  Executive  power  is  to 
execute  all  the  laws  according  to  the  ordirs  &  pre- 
cepts he  receivs  from  the  other  Powers  without  any 
referrance  to  their  being  right  or  rohg  in  his  opinnon 
for  that  would  be  lejeslateing  &  judgeing  two. 

The  soul  end  of  Government  is  the  protection  of 
Life,  Liberty  &  property.  The  poor  mans  shilling 
aught  to  be  as  much  the  care  of  government  as  the 
rich  mans  pound.  Every  person  in  the  Nation 
aught  to  be  compeled  to  do  justis  &  have  it  dun  to 
him  promptly  &  without  delay.  All  taxes  for  the 
seport  of  government  aught  to  be  layed  equilly 
according  to  the  property  each  person  purseses  & 
the  advantages  he  receives  from  it,  and  the  peopel 
aught  to  seport  just  so  many  persons  in  office  as  is 
absolutely  nesecary  and  no  more,  &  pay  them  just 
so  much  saleryes  as  will  command  sefitiant  abilityes, 
&  no  more. 

Also  in  free  Government  the  most  sacred  regard 
must  be  paid  to  the  Constitutions  established  by  the 
peopel  to  gard  their  Rights.  No  law  aught  or  can 
be  made  or  constructed  conterary  to  the  true  meen- 
ing  thereof  without  becomeing  a  nullity  &  those 
becomeing  gilty  who  does  it,  let  them  be  either 

[13] 


The   Key    of  Libberty 


Lejeslative  Juditial  or  Executive  officers  or  bodyes 
of  men.  And  no  parte  of  the  Constitution  can  be 
constructed  conterary  to  the  declared  Rights  of  the 
people. 

In  short  a  free  Government  is  one  In  which  all  the 
laws  are  made  judged  &  executed  according  to  the 
will  &  interest  of  a  majority  of  the  hole  peopel  and 
not  by  the  craft  cunning  &  arts  of  the  few.  To  seport 
such  a  government  it  is  absolutly  nesecary  to  have 
a  larger  degree  or  better  meens  of  knowledge  amongue 
the  peopel  than  we  now  have,  which  I  shall  indevor 
to  make  appear  before  I  close. 

3dly.     Shews  how  the  Few  &  Many  Differ 
in  their  Interests  in  its  operation. 

In  the  swet  of  thy  face  shall  thou  git  thy  bread 
untill  thou  return  to  the  ground,  is  the  erivarsable 
sentance  of  Heaven  on  Man  for  his  rebellion.  To  be 
sentanced  to  hard  Labour  dureing  life  is  very  un- 
plesent  to  humane  Nature.  Their  is  a  grate  avartion 
to  it  purceivable  in  all  men --yet  it  is  absolutly 
nesecary  that  a  large  majority  of  the  world  should 
labour,  or  we  could  not  subsist.  For  Labour  is  the 
soul  parrant  of  all  property -- the  land  yealdeth 
nothing  without  it,  &  their  is  no  food,  clothing, 
shelter,  vessel,  or  any  nesecary  of  life  but  what  costs 
Labour  &  is  generally  esteemed  valuable  according 
to  the  Labour  it  costs.  Therefore  no  person  can 
posess  property  without  labouring,  unless  he  git  it 
by  force  or  craft,  fraud  or  fortun  out  of  the  earnings 
of  others. 

[14] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


But  from  the  grate  veriety  of  capacietyes  strength 
&  abilityes  of  men,  their  always  was,  &  always  will 
be,  a  very  unequel  distribution  of  property  in  the 
world.  Many  are  so  rich  that  they  can  live  without 
Labour.  Also  the  marchent,  phisition,  lawyer  & 
divine,  the  philosipher  and  school  master,  the  Judi- 
tial  &  Executive  Officers,  &  many  others  who  could 
honestly  git  a  living  without  bodily  labours.  As  all 
these  professions  require  a  considerable  expence  of 
time  &  property  to  qualify  themselves  therefor,  & 
as  no  person  after  this  qualifying  himselfe  &  making 
a  pick  on  a  profession  by  which  he  meens  to  live,  can 
desire  to  have  it  dishonourable  or  unproductive,  so 
all  these  professions  naturally  unite  in  their  skems 
to  make  their  callings  as  honourable  &  lucrative  as 
possable.  Also  as  ease  &  rest  from  Labour  are 
reaconed  amongue  the  gratest  pleasurs  of  Life,  pur- 
sued by  all  with  the  gratest  avidity  &  when  attained 
at  once  creates  a  sense  of  superiority  &  as  pride  & 
ostentation  are  natural  to  the  humain  harte,  these 
ordirs  of  men  generally  asotiate  together  and  look 
down  with  two  much  contempt  on  those  that  labour. 

On  the  other  hand  the  Labourer  being  contious 
that  it  is  Labour  that  seports  the  hole,  &  that  the 
more  there  is  that  live  without  Labour  &  the  higher 
they  live  or  the  grater  their  salleryes  &  fees  are,  so 
much  the  harder  he  must  work,  or  the  shorter  he 
must  live,  this  makes  the  Labourer  watch  the  other 
with  a  jelous  eye  &  often  has  reason  to  complain  of 
real  impositions.  But  before  I  proseed  to  shew  how 
the  few  &  many  differ  in  money  matters  I  will  give 
a  short  description  of  what  Money  is. 

[151 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


Money  is  not  property  of  itself  but  ondly  the 
Representitive  of  property.  Silver  &  Gold  is  not  so 
valuable  as  Iron  &  Steel  for  real  use,  but  receives  all 
its  value  from  the  use  that  is  made  of  it  as  a  medium 
of  trade.  Money  is  simply  this  —  a  thing  of  lighter 
carrage  than  property  that  has  an  established  value 
set  upon  it  eyther  by  law  or  general  Consent,  For 
Instance,  if  a  doller  or  a  peace  of  paper,  or  a  chip, 
would  pass  throughout  a  nation  or  the  world  for  a 
burshel  of  corne  or  any  other  property  to  the  value 
of  said  corne,  then  it  would  be  the  representitive  of 
so  much  property. 

Also  Money  is  a  thing  that  will  go  where  it  will 
fetch  the  most  as  naturally  as  water  runs  down  hill, 
for  the  posessor  will  give  it  whare  it  will  fetch  the 
most.  Also  when  their  is  an  addition  to  the  quan- 
tity or  an  extrodinary  use  of  barter  &  credit  in  com- 
merce the  prices  of  property  will  rise.  On  the  other 
hand  if  Credit  is  ruened  &  the  medium  made  scarser 
the  price  of  all  kinds  of  property  will  fall  in  propor- 
tion. Here  lays  the  grate  shuffel  betwen  the  few  & 
many.  As  the  interests  &  incomes  of  the  few  lays 
cheifly  in  money  at  interest,  rents,  salaryes,  &  fees 
that  are  fixed  on  the  nominal  value  of  money,  they 
are  interested  in  haveing  mony  scarse  &  the  price  of 
labour  &  produce  as  low  as  possable.  For  instance 
if  the  prices  of  labour  &  produce  should  fall  one  halfe 
if  would  be  just  the  same  to  the  few  as  if  their  rents 
fees  &  salleryes  ware  doubled,  all  which  they  would 
git  out  of  the  many.  Besides  the  fall  of  Labour  and 
produce  &  scarsety  of  money  always  brings  the  many 
Into  destress  &  compels  them  into  a  state  of  de- 

[16] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


pendance  on  the  few  for  favours  &  assistance  in  a 
thousand  ways. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  the  many  could  rais  the 
price  of  Labour,  &c  one  halfe  &  have  the  mony  cir- 
culate freely  they  could  pay  their  debts,  eat  &  drink 
&  injoy  the  good  of  their  labour  with  out  being 
dependant  on  the  few  for  assistance.  Also  high 
prices  opperates  as  a  bounty  on  industry  &  economy 
-  an  industrious  &  prudent  man  may  presently  lay 
up  something  against  time  of  need  when  prices  are 
high  but  if  a  person  leaves  off  worke  &  lives  high 
when  prices  are  up  his  mony  or  property  will  last 
him  but  little  while. 

But  the  gratest  dainger  the  Many  are  under  in 
these  money  matters  are  from  the  Juditial  &  Execu- 
tive Officers,  espatssilly  so  as  their  incomes  for  a 
living  are  almost  holly  gotten  from  the  follys  and 
destresse  of  the  Many,  &  they  being  governed  by 
the  same  selfish  prinsaples  as  other  men  are.  They 
are  the  Most  interested  in  the  destreses  of  the  many 
of  any  in  the  Nation,  the  scarser  money  is  &  the 
grater  the  destreses  of  the  many  are,  the  better  for 
them.  It  not  ondly  doubles  the  nominal  sume  of 
their  pay,  but  it  doubles  &  thribbles  their  bisness, 
&  the  many  are  obliged  to  come  to  them  cap  in  hand 
&  beg  for  mercy  patience  &  forbearance. 

This  gratifyes  both  their  pride  &  covetousness, 
when  on  the  other  hand  when  money  is  plenty  & 
prices  high  they  have  little  or  nothing  to  do.  This  is 
the  Reason  why  they  aught  to  be  kept  intirely  from 
the  Legislative  Body  &  unless  their  can  be  wisdom 
anough  in  the  Peopel  to  keep  the  three  Departments 

[171 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


of  Government  intirely  seperate  a  free  Government 
cant  be  seported.  For  in  all  these  conceived  differ- 
enc  of  interests,  It  is  the  bisness  and  duty  of  the 
Lejeslative  Body  to  determine  what  is  Justis  or 
what  is  Right  &  Rong,  &  the  duty  of  every  individual 
in  the  nation  to  regulate  his  conduct  according  to 
their  detisions.  And  if  the  Many  ware  always  fully 
&  fairly  represented  in  the  Lejeslative  Body  they 
neaver  would  be  oppresed  or  find  fault  so  as  to  trouble 
the  Government,  but  would  always  be  zelous  to 
seport  it. 

The  Reasons  why  a  free  government  has  always 
failed  is  from  the  unreasonable  demands  &  desires 
of  the  few.  They  cant  bare  to  be  on  a  leavel  with 
their  fellow  cretures,  or  submit  to  the  determinations 
of  a  Lejeslature  whare  (as  they  call  it)  the  Swinish 
Multitude1  are  fairly  represented,  but  sicken  at  the 
eydea,  &  are  ever  hankering  &  striving  after  Monerca 
or  Aristocracy  whare  the  people  have  nothing  to  do 
in  maters  of  government  but  to  seport  the  few  in 
luxery  &  idleness. 

For  these  &  many  other  reasons  a  large  majority 
of  those  that  live  without  Labour  are  ever  opposed 
to  the  prinsaples  &  operation  of  a  free  Government, 
&  though  the  hole  of  them  do  not  amount  to  one 
eighth  part  of  the  people,  yet  by  their  combinations, 
arts  &  skeems  have  always  made  out  to  destroy  it 
soner  or  later,  which  I  shall  indeavour  to  prove  by 
considering  — 

1  "  Learning  will  be  cast  into  the  mire  and  trodden  down  under  the  hoofs  of 
a  swinish  multitude."  Burke's  Reflections  on  the  Revolution  in  France  (1791). 


18] 


The    Key   of  Libberty 


4thly     The  Meens  by  which  the  few 
Destroy  it. 

This  I  will  indever  to  do  by  making  a  few  remarks 
on  the  doings  of  the  few  on  the  eight  following  things, 
Viz.  1 1  on  the  Ignorance  of  the  Many  —  2d  on  the 
Combinations  of  the  few.  3  on  Laming  —  4  on 
knowledge  —  5t  on  Constitutions  6tly  on  Money 
or  the  Medium --7th  on  Elections  Sthly  on  wars. 

/.  On  the  Ignorance  of  the  Many 

Solomon  said,  Train  up  a  Child  in  the  way  he 
should  go,  &  when  he  is  old  he  will  not  depart  from 
it.  And  it  is  as  true  that  if  a  child  is  trained  up  in 
the  way  he  should  not  go,  when  he  is  old  he  will 
keep  to  it.  It  is  the  universal  custom  &  practis  of 
monorcal  &  dispotick  government  to  train  up  their 
subjects  as  much  in  ignorance  as  they  can  in  matters 
of  government,  &  to  teach  them  to  reverance  & 
worship  grate  men  in  office,  &  to  take  for  truth  what 
ever  they  say  without  examining  for  themselves. 

Consiquently  when  ever  Revolutions  are  brought 
about  &  free  governments  established  it  is  by  the 
influence  of  a  few  leeding  men,  who  after  they  have 
obtained  their  object  (like  other  men)  can  neaver 
receiv  compensation  &  honours  anough  from  the 
people  for  their  services,  &  the  people  being  brought 
up  from  their  uths  to  reverance  &  respect  such  men 
they  go  on  old  ways  &  neglect  to  search  &  see  for 
themselves  &  take  care  of  their  own  interists.  Also 
being  naturally  very  fond  of  being  flattered,  they 
redily  hear  to  measures  proposed  by  grate  men  who 

[19] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


they  are  convinced  have  done  them  good  services. 
This  is  the  prinsaple  ground  on  which  the  few  work 
to  Destroy  a  free  government. 

2.  On  the  Combinations  of  the  Few. 

In  a  free  government  the  few,  finding  their  scheems 
&  vues  of  interest  borne  down  by  the  many,  to  gain 
the  power  they  cant  constitutionally  obtain,  Always 
indevour  to  git  it  by  cunning  &  corruption,  contious 
at  the  same  time  that  userpation  when  once  began 
the  safty  of  the  userper  consists  ondly  in  grasping 
the  hole.  To  efect  this  no  cost  nor  pains  is  spared, 
but  they  first  unite  their  plans  &  scheems  by  asotia- 
tions,  conventions,  &  coraspondances  with  each 
other.  The  Marchents  asotiate  by  themselves,  the 
Phitisians  by  themselves,  The  Ministers  by  them- 
selves, the  Juditial  &  Executive  Officers  are  by  their 
professions  often  called  together  &  know  each  others 
minds,  &  all  letirary  men  &  the  over  grown  rich, 
that  can  live  without  labouring,  can  spare  time  for 
consultation.  All  being  bound  together  by  common 
interest,  which  is  the  stronges  bond  of  union,  join  in 
their  secret  corraspondance  to  counter  act  the  in- 
terests of  the  many  &  pick  their  pockets,  which  is 
efected  ondly  for  want  of  the  meens  of  knowledg 
amongue  them. 

3.  On  Laming. 

Laming  is  of  the  gratest  importance  to  the  seport 
of  a  free  government,  &  to  prevent  this  the  few  are 
always  crying  up  the  advantages  of  costly  collages, 
national  acadimyes  &  grammer  schooles,  in  ordir  to 

[201 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


make  places  for  men  to  live  without  work,  &  so 
strengthen  their  party.  But  are  always  opposed  to 
cheep  schools  &  woman  schools,  the  ondly  or  prin- 
saple  means  by  which  laming  is  spred  amongue  the 
Many. 

4.  On  Knowledge. 

The  gratest  &  best  meens  of  obtaining  the  knowl- 
edge nesecary  for  a  free  man  to  have,  is  by  the 
Liberty  of  the  Press,  or  publick  Newspapers.  To 
counter  act  and  destroy  this  priviledge  the  few  spare 
no  pains  to  make  them  as  costly  as  posable  &  to 
contradict  everything  in  them  that  favours  the 
interests  of  the  Many,  puting  Darkness  for  Light, 
&  Light  for  Darkness,  falsehood  for  truth,  &  truth 
for  falsehood,  &cc. 

5.  On  Constitutions   &?  Laws. 

The  few  have  a  grate  advantage  over  the  Many  in 
forming  &  constructing  Constitutions  &  Laws,  &  are 
highly  interested  in  haveing  them  numerous,  in- 
tricate &  as  inexplicit  as  possable.  By  this  they 
take  to  themselves  the  right  of  giving  them  such 
explanations  as  suits  their  interests,  &  make  places 
for  numerous  lawyers  &  Juditial  &  Executive  officers, 
which  ads  grately  to  their  strength  by  numbers. 

6.  On  the  Medium  of  Trade. 

Money  or  a  Medium  of  trade  is  of  such  a  nature 
that  their  are  innumerable  ways  by  which  the  few 
can  manage  it  to  the  injury  of  the  Many,  such  as 
erecting  banks  &  useing  parshality  in  remitances, 

[211 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


ruining  publick  &  private  credit,  &  stoping  the  circu- 
lation of  money  &cc;  by  which  they  can  bring  the 
Many  into  destress  &  set  them  to  quariling  &  sewing 
one  another,  &  so  make  a  plenty  of  bisness  for  their 
party. 

7.  On  Elections. 

This  is  a  grate  object  with  the  few,  to  carry  their 
points  in  elections,  this  being  the  ondly  meens  by 
which  the  Many  can  seporte  their  Rights.  Consi- 
quently  the  few  all  unite  in  extoling  the  goodness  & 
abilityes  of  their  candidates,  &  of  runing  down  & 
blackgarding  the  candidates  on  the  other  side.  Also 
they  will  appeal  to  the  electors  in  a  veriaty  of  ways. 
Some  they  will  flatter  by  promises  of  favours,  such 
as  being  customers  to  them,  or  helping  them  out  of 
debt,  or  other  difficultyes;  or  help  them  to  a  good 
bargain,  or  treet  them,  or  trust  them,  or  lend  them 
money,  or  even  give  them  a  little  money,  if  they  will 
vote  for  such  &  such  a  man.  Others  they  will 
thretten,  *  if  you  dont  vote  for  such  &  such  a  man/ 
or  '  if  you  do  '  &cc,  '  you  shall  pay  me  what  you  owe 
me/  or  '  I  will  sew  you  '  —  'I  will  turne  you  out  of 
my  house  '  or  *  off  of  my  farm  '  —  'I  wont  be  your 
customer  any  longer  '  —  'I  will  wager  a  ginna  that 
you  dare  not  vote  for  such  a  man  —  if  you  do  you 
shall  have  a  bloody  nose  for  it/  Or  they  will  hire 
some  body  to  communicate  these  things  to  the 
electors.  Also  they  will  hinder  votes  from  being 
counted  or  returned  right,  &  often  will  themselves 
(or  hire  others  to)  put  in  two  or  three  votes  apeace. 
All  these  things  have  bin  practised  &  may  be  again. 

[22] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


8.  On  Wars. 

So  apt  are  Mankind  to  be  rought  up  into  a  pashon 
by  false  reports  &  slight  ofences  that  it  is  an  easy 
matter  for  cunning  men  to  set  peasable  familyes  & 
frinds  at  variance,  whare  their  is  no  grounds  for  it  on 
either  side.  In  the  same  manner  Towns  States  & 
Nations  may  be  set  at  war  against  each  other,  &  I 
have  no  dout  but  that  it  has  bin  the  case  many  a 
time,  that  thousands  &  Millions  have  bin  slain  on 
both  sides  equilly  thinking  that  they  have  bin  fight- 
ing in  a  good  cause,  when  the  hole  matters  in  dispute 
would  have  mad  little  or  no  dispute  between  honest 
neighbours.  Nor  do  I  despute  but  that  it  has  bin 
agreed  upon  by  Rulers  of  Nations  to  make  war  on 
each  other,  ondly  that  they  might  have  a  pretense  to 
raise  &  keep  up  standing  armies  to  deprive  their  own 
subjects  of  their  Rights  &  Libbertyes.  This  is  a 
grate  object  with  the  few,  &  when  they  attain  it,  It 
ads  so  much  to  their  number,  strength  &  importance 
that  they  have  but  little  more  to  fear,  and  the  Many 
have  but  little  reason  to  expect  that  they  can  main- 
tain their  Libertyes  Long. 

In  the  foregoing  remarks  I  have  but  just  touched 
on  the  prinsaple  meens  by  which  the  few  destroy 
free  governments. 

I  Shall  now  proseed 


23 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


Sthly    To  Elustrate  them  by  Sundry  Remarks 

on  the  Operation  of  these  Causes  in  our  own 

Governments. 

I  Shall  not  here  atempt  to  say  any  thing  on  the 
want  of  knowledge  amongue  the  peopel,  seposeing 
that  it  will  fully  oppear  by  the  remarks  I  shall  make 
on  the  combinations  &  doings  of  the  few. 

Remarks  on  the  Society  of  Cincinaty1 

Toards  the  close  of  the  late  War  the  Officers  of  the 
Continental  army  ware  considerably  borne  upon,  by 
not  being  paid  according  to  contract,  &  many  of 
them  thought  they  ware  not  notifed  anough  in  the 
fraiming  the  State  Constitutions.  At  the  close  of 
the  War  they  formed  themselves  into  a  Sociaty  by 
the  name  of  Cincinaty.  This  Institution  caused 
grate  alarm  &  many  pointed  publications  in  news- 
papers, considering  it  as  a  daingerous  Body. 

This  uneasiness  caused  them  at  their  first  General 
Meeting  to  make  very  assential  alterations  in  their 
Constitution,  which  they  published  together  with  a 
very  plausible  Circular  Letter,  indevouring  in  it  to 
make  the  world  believ  that  they  neaver  would  nor 
could  prove  any  harme.  But  from  that  time  their 
was  a  continual  noys  &  wrighting  from  one  end  of 
the  Continent  to  the  other  against  the  badness  of 
publick  credit,  &  the  weekness  &  insefitiancy  of  the 
Federal  Government.2 

When  the  Shais  affair  happened  in  Masachusets  it 

1  The  author  here  repeats  charges  against  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  which/ 

were  generally  believed  by  plain  folk  at  that  time,  but  without  foundation  iif~~ 
fact. 

2  The  Articles  of  Confederation,  not  the  Federal  Constitution. 

[24] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


was  heded  by  one  of  this  ordir  &  many  of  the  rest  of 
them  put  under  pay  to  surpress  it. 

Immediately  after  a  Convention  was  caled  to 
amend  the  federal  Government,  when  a  hard  tusel 
was  made  chiefly  by  this  ordir  to  establish  a  monor- 
cal  government  in  ordir  to  have  their  president  made 
King.  But  though  they  failed  in  that  yet  by  some 
meens  or  other  they  have  rigeled  themselves  into 
almost  all  the  posts  of  profit  &  honour  in  the  federal 
Government.  And  from  this  ordir  also  origenated 
the  funding  sistim,  by  which  those  that  labour  for  a 
living  will  have  millions  and  millions  of  dollors  to 
pay,  for  which  the  publick  neaver  riceived  nor  the 
posessor  naver  gave  one  single  farthing  for.  Also 
from  this  ordir  originated  the  Indian  war  which  has 
cost  us  thousands  of  lives  &  six  millions  of  dollors 
without  the  least  advantage  to  us.  From  this  ordir 
also  originated  the  breach  of  the  federal  Constitution 
&  a  breach  of  the  French  Aliance  by  makeing  the 
Brittish  Treety,  which  has  brought  us  almost  to  the 
brink  of  ruen. 

When  I  charge  these  things  to  Cincinaty  I  do  not 
meen  that  they  did  them  alone  but  as  planners  & 
leaders  in  them,  for  to  them  also  may  be  charged  the 
organisation  of  allmost  all  the  ordirs  of  the  few  who 
follow  after  &  seport  them  in  their  diabolical  ma- 
sures  —  which  I  will  remark  upon  seperately  as 
followeth. 

On-  Speculators,  Stock   6?  Land  Jobers 

These  ordirs  of  jnen  ar  made  up  prinsaply  of  Cin- 
cinaty, &  by  the  funding  sistim  have  risen  like  a  black 

[251 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


cloud  over  the  Continant,  &  have  gained  welth  like 
the  Nabobs  of  the  East.  They  have  got  the  prin- 
saple  command  of  our  funds,  &  not  ondly  swindle 
honest  individuals  out  of  their  property,  but  by  their 
bribery  &  corruption  have  grate  influence  in  our 
elections,  &  agitate  our  publick  Counsels.  By  their 
land  speculations  &  bribery  they  shook  the  govern- 
ment of  Jorgia  almost  to  its  foundation  &  agitated 
the  federal  Government  so  that  one  of  the  Senetors 
chellenged  one  of  the  Representitives  for  a  Duel, 
right  in  the  midst  of  one  of  the  most  important  de- 
bates they  Ever  was  or  ever  will  be  ingaged  in.1 

On  Doctors 

The  Doctors  have  established  their  Meditial  So- 
cietyes2  &  have  both  their  State  &  County  Meetings, 
by  which  they  have  so  nearly  enielated  Quacary  of 
all  kinds,  that  a  poor  man  cant  git  so  grate  cures  of 
them  now  for  a  ginna,  as  he  could  50  years  ago  of  an 
old  Squaw  for  halfe  a  pint  of  Rhum.  The  bisness  of 
a  Midwife  could  be  purformed  50  years  ago  for  halfe 
a  doller  &  now  it  costs  a  poor  man  5  hole  ones. 

On  Marchents 

The  Marchents  have  organised  themselves  &  have 
their  Chambers  of  Commerce  &  corraspondance  from 
one  end  of  the  Continent  to  the  other.  Although 
they  are  in  many  respects  a  grate  advantage  to  the 

iThe  period  1791-96  was  one  of  intense  speculation,  especially  in  land.  See 
Edward  Channing,  History  of  the  United  States,  III,  chapter  iv.  The  author 
here  refers  to  the  notorious  Yazoo  land  frauds  in  Georgia,  in  which  several  wealthy 
New  Englanders  were  involved.  Senator  Gunn  of  Georgia  challenged  Abraham 
Baldwin,  representative  from  that  state,  to  a  duel  in  1796,  after  a  dispute  over  the 
Yazoo  affair 

2  The  Massachusetts  Medical  Society  was  incorporated  in  1781. 

[26] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


Many,  by  makeing  vent  for  our  produce  &  furnishing 
us  with  nesecaryes  &  conveniences  from  other  cun- 
tryes,  yet  if  we  should  be  drawn  into  a  war  by  their 
adventures  we  should  pay  very  dear  for  all  the  ad- 
vantages we  receive  from  them.  Besides,  forron 
trade  not  well  regulated  is  the  most  dangerous  to  the 
interest  of  the  Many  of  any  thing  we  have  to  fear. 
Our  money  may  be  all  carryed  off  from  amongue  us 
for  that  which  will  do  us  no  good. 

Foron  manufactoryes  may  be  cheepest  at  first  cost 
but  not  in  the  long  run.  Marchents  may  grow  rich 
on  the  ruens  of  our  mecanicks  &  manufactoryes,  & 
bring  us  into  as  bad  a  condition  as  we  ware  in  1786, 
for  they  look  ondly  to  their  own  interests.  It  is 
evident  that  a  large  parte  of  the  marchents  were  in 
favour  of  the  Brittish  treaty  &  fond  of  carrying  on  a 
trade  with  that  sinking  Nation,  which  trade  leaves  a 
ballence  against  Amarica  of  more  than  4  million  of 
dollers  annually,  which  will  ruen  ous  in  a  few  years 
unless  it  is  Stopt.1 

On  Literary  Men    &  Co  ledges 

The  true  prinsaples  of  Republicanisam  &  a  free 
government  may  be  taught  to  the  Uths  in  some  of 
our  Coleges  &  Acadimies  for  aught  I  know,  but  it  is 
evident  that  other  political  prinsaples  are  admited  in 
many  of  them,  or  we  should  not  be  stunded  with 
Exhibitions  in  favour  of  Monocyes  &  runing  down 

1  The  merchants  of  this  period,  bankers  and  ship-owners  as  well  as  traders, 
were  largely  Federalist  and  pro-British  in  politics.  See  the  editor's  Maritime 
History  of  Massachusetts,  chapter  xii.  That  England  was  a  "  sinking  nation  " 
and  that  American  trade  with  her  would  sink  America,  were  fixed  opinions  among 
Jeffersonian  Republicans. 


27 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


Republican  prinsaples  as  we  often  be.1  One  thing 
is  prity  cartain,  that  the  Schollers  are  taught  to  keep 
up  the  dignity  of  their  professions,  for  if  we  apply 
for  a  preacher  or  a  School  Master,  we  are  told  the 
price  is  So  Much,  &  they  cant  go  under,  for  it  is 
agreed  upon  &  they  shall  be  disgrased  if  they  take 
less,  let  their  abilityes  for  the  servis  be  what  they 
will. 

On  Ministers  of  the  Gospel. 

The  Ministers  of  the  Congeragational  ordir  & 
others  for  aught  I  know  have  formed  them  selves  in 
to  Societyes  &  many  of  them  are  incorporated  & 
have  their  State  &  County  Meetings  which  may  be 
of  grate  service  or  absolutly  nesecary  in  their  Sacred 
functions.  But  it  is  no  brech  of  Charity  to  sepose 
that  they  have  some  political  purposes  in  them,  nor 
do  I  deny  their  right  to  meddle  in  politicks.  But  as 
they  receive  their  seport  for  teaching  piety,  religion, 
morality  &  things  relitive  to  another  world,  &  their 
hearers  being  not  all  of  them  capable  of  desarning 
betwen  divinity  &  politicks,  they  aught  when  ever 
they  teach  obediance  to  the  sivil  Laws  or  reprove  for 
disobediance  &cc.,  to  teach  &  explain  to  them  the 
true  prinsaples  of  our  free  government  as  Established 
in  our  Constitutions.  Insted  of  preaching  about  & 
praying  for  Officers  of  government  as  infalible 
beings,  or  so  perfect  that  we  aught  to  submit  to  & 
prais  them  for  all  they  do,  (when  in  fact  they  are  all 
our  servents  &  at  all  times  accountable  to  the 
peopel)  they  aught  to  teach  their  hearers  to  be  watch- 

1  Harvard  College,  then  the  only  college  in  Massachusetts  save  the  small  and 
struggling  Williams,  was  thoroughly  Federalist,  and  some  of  the  commencement 
orations  gave  great  offense  to  Jeffersonians. 

[28] 


The   Key  of  Libber ty 


full  of  men  in  power,  &  to  gard  their  own  Rights  & 
priviledges,  with  a  jelous  eye,  &  teach  them  how  to 
do  it  in  a  Constitutional  way. 

If  their  prinsaples  forbid  this  they  had  better  let 
politicks  intirely  alone,  for  if  they  use  their  grate 
influence  to  mislead  &  prejidice  their  hearers  against 
the  true  prinsaples  of  a  free  government  (as  Many  of 
them  have  done  of  late)  by  praising  our  Executive 
for  making  the  British  treety,  &  in  short  by  praising 
Monorcal  &  Dispotick  government,  &  running  down 
&  blackgarding  Republican  prinsaples  &  the  French 
Nation,  they  are  in  fact  acting  a  treesonable  &  rebel- 
lious part  &  doing  all  in  their  power  to  destroy  the 
Government,  &  their  hearers  aught  not  to  attend  on 
such  teachings.1  It  is  this  conduct  in  Ministers  that 
is  the  prinsaple  reason  for  the  neglect  of  publick 
worship  &  Religious  Institutions  that  is  so  much 
complained  of  by  the  Ministers  now. 

Ministers  have  it  more  in  their  power  to  turn  the 
minds  of  their  hearers  Right  or  Rong  than  any  other 
ordir  of  men,  &  it  has  bin  the  general  practis  of  all 
arbitrary  governments  to  prostitute  Religion  to 
political  purposes,  &  make  a  handle  of  this  ordir  of 
men  to  misleed,  flatter,  &  drive  the  people,  by  the 
terrors  of  the  other  world  into  submission  to  their 
political  scheems  &  interests.  Consiquently  they 
aught  to  be  watched  &  garded  against  above  all 
other  ordirs,  espatially  when  they  preach  politicks. 

•These  thrusts  at  the  clergy  were  not  undeserved.  The  New  England  parsons, 
horrified  at  the  excesses  of  the  French  Revolution,  had  for  the  most  part  espoused 
the  cause  of  England  and  of  the  Federal  party  with  great  vigor.  Political  ser- 
mons were  the  order  of  the  day. 


29 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


On  Juditial  and  Executive  Officers 

Free  governments  are  commonly  destroyed  by  a 
/combination  of  the  Juditial  &  Executive  powers  in 
favour  of  the  interests  of  the  few,  &  they  do  it  by 
construing  &  explaining  away  the  true  sence  &  meen- 
ing  of  the  constitutions  and  laws,  &  so  raise  them- 
selves above  the  Lejeslative  power,  &  take  the  hole 
Administration  of  Government  into  their  own  hands, 
&  manige  it  according  to  their  own  wills.  The  Free 
Republican  in  N°  9  saith  that  in  many  of  the  antiant 
Republicks  the  Juditial  power  became  the  mear 
instruments  of  tirony,  &  proposes  lawyers  as  a 
nesecary  ordir  in  a  free  government,  to  curbe  the 
arbitrary  will  of  the  Judge.  But  that  appears  to  me 
like  seting  the  Cat  to  watch  the  Creem  pot. 

Whoever  takes  a  vue  of  the  conduct  &  doings  of 
our  Juditial  &  Executive  powers,  both  State  & 
federal,  for  a  few  years  back,  must  purceive  a  groing 
uneasiness  &  avertion  in  them  to  be  bound  down  to 
the  strict  sence  &  meening  of  our  Constitution  & 
Laws.  It  is  this  Conduct  in  them  that  is  the  prin- 
saple  cause  of  all  our  differences  with  France,  &  our 
contentions  amongue  ourselves.  It  would  take  Vol- 
ums  to  define  them,  therefore  I  shall  not  attempt 
here  to  describe  but  one,  &  that  is  but  of  little  consi- 
quence.  The  one  I  shall  attempt  to  describe  is  the 
call  of  General  Hull  on  the  Divition  of  Melitia  under 
his  Command,  including  the  hole  of  the  County  of 
Middlesex,  to  dress  themselves  in  Uniform  &  appear 
at  Concord  for  a  Military  Exhibition. 

The  Laws  nor  Constitution  of  Masachusets  doth 

[301 


The    Key   of  Libberty 


not  impower  any  officer,  not  even  the  Govenour,  to 
call  the  Militia  together  in  larger  bodyes  than  Rigi- 
ments,  nor  them,  whare  it  causes  more  than  20  miles 
travel  for  any  Company  (acepting  on  invation  or 
insurrections),  &  their  is  no  law  to  oblige  any  Soldier 
to  git  a  Uniforme. 

This  call  at  first  came  out  ondly  as  a  request,  & 
but  few  if  any  thought  that  they  ware  obliged  to 
comply  with  it.  But  the  ambition  of  the  Rigimental 
officers  was  soon  stired  up  to  a  high  degree  to  see 
which  would  appear  the  most  respectable  with  their 
Rigiments  &  Companies.  All  the  arts  of  flatery 
ware  used  to  obtain  their  ends.  But  seeing  they 
ware  likely  to  fail  in  them,  they  soon  had  recorse  to 
thretning  &  falsehoods,  declaring  that  their  was 
ordirs  &  laws  to  oblige  them  to  dress  &  go,  &  although 
the  laws  demand  ondly  10  shillings  for  non  appear- 
ance at  Musters,  hundreds  of  them  ware  made  to 
believ  that  they  must  pay  4  times  that  sume  if  they 
disobayed.  Consiquently  thousands  attended  the 
Muster.  Some  went  30  or  forty  miles  which  took 
them  4  or  5  Days,  &  ware  at  10  or  12  dollors  Cost  for 
a  Uniforme.  Some  that  did  not  go  paid  their  fines 
rather  than  dispute  their  officers.  Uthers  being 
contious  that  their  was  no  law  for  such  things,  stood 
tryal  before  the  Justises,  &  some  of  them  got  cleared, 
But  far  the  gratest  part  had  both  fine  &  cost  to  pay. 
(Thus  much  Juditial  &  Executive  officers  can  do 
without  any  assistance  from  the  Lejeslature).  It  is 
Seposed  that  a  fair  Cost  at  Least,  in  uniforming,  time 
&  Money  30  thousand  dollors,  without  any  advantage 
to  the  publick  or  satisfaction  to  those  that  planed  it. 

[31] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


For  it  pleased  the  Almighty  to  send  a  tremendious 
Storme  upon  them  at  the  very  moment  they  ware 
about  to  Exhibit,  which  spilte  all  their  fun.  But  as 
it  was  all  done  without  or  in  opposition  to  law,  the 
authors  of  it  have  grate  reason  to  be  thankful  that 
it  did  not  rain  fire  &  brimstone  upon  them  insted  of 
cold  water.1 

I  should  not  have  swelled  my  remark  with  this 
narative,  did  I  not  believe  that  their  was  more  in- 
tended than  pretended  by  it.  The  pretence  was  to 
revive  a  Military  Spirit  &  make  us  appear  more 
formidable  to  other  Nations,  which  appears  to  me  to 
have  a  contery  efect.  For  wheir  a  Nation  pretends 
to  a  well  organised  &  efetient  government  as  we  do, 
for  individuels  to  start  up  in  such  a  manner  to  do  the 
bisness  of  government  proved  its  weekness,  for  it  is 
the  duty  of  all  in  a  free  government  to  wait  the 

1  I  have  found  no  reference  to  this  amusing  incident  in  contemporary  news- 
papers, but  the  main  facts  that  Manning  mentions  are  confirmed  by  the  files  of 
the  Adjutant-General's  office  in  the  State  House.  At  this  period  the  militia 
included  all  able-bodied  men  between  the  ages  of  18  and  45,  who  with  certain 
exceptions  were  required  to  turn  out  and  drill  once  a  year,  providing  their  own 
equipment.  After  the  Revolution  the  militia  declined,  but  in  1797,  anticipating 
a  war  with  France,  the  Federalists  endeavored  to  revive  efficiency  and  morale. 
On  June  13,  1797,  the  Adjutant-General  issued  a  general  order,  in  which  he  re- 
marks that  "  the  addition  of  a  Uniform  has  been  found  to  give  great  Animation 
to  the  Exercises  of  the  Field.  Tho'  this  depends  upon  the  Ambition  and 
Voluntary  Efforts  of  Individuals,  the  Commander  in  Chief  is  highly  gratified  to 
Learn  that  numerous  Corps  in  the  Militia  have  supplied  themselves  in  this  par- 
ticular in  the  most  respectable  manner.  He  returns  them  his  sincere  thanks  for 
their  Laudable  exertions  —  and  hopes  they  will  not  relax,  in  Pursuing  an  Object, 
which  adds  so  greatly  to  their  Martial  Appearance."  On  August  10,  1797,  he 
orders  that  "  Major  General  Hull  of  the  Third  Division,  having  represented  to 
the  Commander  in  Chief  that  the  Several  Regiments  and  Corps  composing  his 
division,  have  made  Extraordinary  exertions  in  procuring  a  Uniform,  and  prepar- 
ing themselves  for  a  Public  Review,"  is  to  assemble  his  division  "  in  some  con- 
venient Place,  for  the  purpose  of  being  Reviewed."  Finally,  in  a  general  order 
of  September  28,  1797,  the  Adjutant-General  congratulates  the  citizens  of  Middle- 
sex County  on  their  uniform  appearance  at  Concord,  and  regrets  that  an  "  Equi- 
noctial Storm  "  forced  them  to  give  up  the  manoeuvres.  "  The  Patiance  and 
Fortitude  discover'd  by  both  Officers  and  Men,  under  their  Disappointment  did 
them  much  Honour;  and  the  Emulation  and  Ardour  of  the  Several  Corps  under 
such  Discouragements,  evinced  that  tho'  thoroughly  wet,  their  Military  Fire  was 
not  Extinguished."  The  leader  of  this  fiasco  was  that  unfortunate  General  Wil- 
liam Hull  who  surrendered  Detroit  in  1812. 

[32] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


detarmination  of  the  Lejeslative  power  &  punc- 
tually obey  them.  Then  they  would  be  general 
formidable. 

I  believe  that  this  fus  was  more  intended  to  sound 
the  peopel,  &  try  the  strength  of  the  Executive  & 
Juditial  powers  over  the  Lejeslatives,  &  to  set  the 
Militia  to  murmering  so  as  to  form  a  pretext  for  a 
standing  army,  for  if  it  should  once  become  a  law  to 
dress  in  such  costly  uniforms  &  attend  such  musters 
it  would  be  cheeper  to  seport  an  Army  than  submit 
to  it.  I  am  Led  to  these  conclutions  of  it,  by  the 
exetreordinary  precautions  &  consultations  that 
ware  taken  in  giving  out  the  ordirs,  &  they  being 
such  as  may  be  fairly  constructed  into  either  positive 
ordirs  or  ondly  requests.  So  that  their  is  no  way  for 
a  delinquent  to  defend  his  cause  but  by  impeaching 
the  Justis  that  gave  judgment  for  his  fine,  &  if  we 
may  judge  from  the  trials  of  Hunt  &  Blunt,  a  single 
person  had  better  submit  to  pay  a  hundred  times 
ten  shillings  than  seek  for  a  remidy  in  that  way. 
Consiquently  the  Executive  &  Juditial  powers  when 
united  may  take  just  such  sums  from  individuals  & 
execute  just  such  military  enterprises  as  they  pleas. 

On  Lawyers 

The  Lawyers  have  established  their  Bar  Meetings 
&  become  the  most  formidable  &  influential  ordir  of 
any  in  the  Government,  &  though  they  are  nither 
Juditial  nor  Executive  officers,  but  a  kind  of  Mule 
ordir,  ingendered  by,  &  many  times  overawing  both. 
This  ordir  of  men  git  their  living  intirely  from  the 
quarrils  follyes  disputes  &  destreses  of  the  Many  & 

[331 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


the  intricacy  of  our  Laws,  &  it  is  from  the  arts  & 
doings  of  these  men,  that  the  Juditial  &  Executive 
officers  are  furnished  with  the  chief  of  their  bisness 
&  imploy.  Consiquently  they  are  bound  together 
by  the  strongest  bonds  of  union. 

Many  have  bin  the  complantes  against  the  Law- 
yers in  years  bak  &  of  the  intricacy  of  our  laws,  & 
much  time  spent  &  pains  taken  by  the  Lejeslature  to 
remidy  the  evil.  But  all  to  little  or  nor  purpose,  & 
the  soul  reason  is  because  we  send  these  fee  officers 
as  Representitives  to  make  our  laws.  Unless  the 
peopel  can  be  brought  to  calculate  more  upon  the 
opporation  of  these  little  selfish  prinsaples  on  man- 
kind, &  purge  the  Lejeslatures  from  fee  officers, 
they  cannot  be  governed  by  laws  very  long. 

Thus  we  see  all  the  ordirs  of  the  few  compleetly 
organised,  &  they  have  of  late  got  so  monstrusly 
crouded  with  numbers  that  it  is  imposable  for  them 
all  to  git  a  living  by  their  professions,  &  being  in 
want  of  imploy  they  are  aiding  in  all  the  plans  & 
scheems  of  Cincinaty  to  influence  the  Many. 

I  would  not  be  understood  to  be  against  the  aso- 
tiations  of  any  ordirs  of  men,  for  to  hinder  it  would 
hinder  their  improvements  in  their  professions,  & 
hinder  them  from  being  servisable  to  the  Many. 
Their  need  ondly  one  Society  more  being  established, 
or  proper  meens  of  information  amongue  the  Many 
to  hinder  their  being  daingerous  in  politicks.  In 
ordir  to  promote  those  meens  of  information  among 
the  peopel  their  has  bin  many  sociatyes  established, 
by  Constitutial,  Democracticle  &  other  names,  made 
up  of  men  of  Republican  prinsaples  &  grate  abilityes 

[341 


The    Key   of  Libberty 


who  did  all  in  their  power  to  inliten  the  peopel  into 
their  true  Interests.  But  for  want  of  the  Society  I 
have  mentioned,  or  a  proper  chanel  of  conveying 
their  sentiments  to  the  peopel,  &  by  the  joint  exer- 
tions of  a  majority  of  the  other  ordirs  I  have  men- 
tioned to  hinder  their  usefulness  &  pregidis  the  minds 
of  the  peopel  against  them,  have  brought  them  almost 
into  disuse.  But  I  have  no  dout  but  that  they  will 
revive  again  when  they  think  they  can  do  any  good. 
But  before  I  proseed  to  describe  the  Society  or  meens 
of  Knowlidge  I  have  mentioned  I  must  make  sundry 
Remarks  on  what  has  bin  &  provibly  may  be  done 
by  the  joint  exertion  of  the  few  to  inslave  the  Many, 
unless  they  meet  with  a  check. 

On  Laming 

No  person  who  is  a  frind  to  Libberty  will  be  against 
a  large  expence  in  Laming,  but  it  aught  to  be  pro- 
moted in  the  cheepest  &  best  manner  possable,  which 
in  my  oppinnion  would  be: --For  every  State  to 
maintain  as  many  Coledges  in  conveniant  parts 
thereof  as  would  be  attended  upon  to  give  the  highest 
Degrees  of  Laming,  &  for  every  County  to  keep  as 
many  Grammer  Schools  or  Acadimies  in  conveniant 
parts  thereof  as  would  be  attended  too  by  both  sects 
summer  &  winter,  &  no  student  or  scholer  to  pay 
anything  for  tuition,  and  for  the  County  Schooles 
to  pay  a  purticuler  attention  to  teaching  the  Inglish 
langueg  &  qualifying  its  scholors  to  teach  &  govern 
Common  Schools  for  little  children. 

And  for  Every  Town  to  be  obliged  to  keep  as 
Much  as  six  weeks  of  wrighting  school  in  the  winter 

[351 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


&  twelve  weeks  of  a  woman  school  in  the  summer  in 
every  parte  of  the  town.  So  that  none  should  be 
thronged  with  two  many  schollers,  nor  none  have 
too  far  to  travel,  &  every  person  be  obliged  to  send 
his  children  to  school,  for  the  publick  are  as  much 
interested  in  the  Laming  of  one  child  as  an  other. 

If  this  method  of  Laming  was  established  we  should 
soone  have  a  plenty  of  school  masters  &  mistrises  as 
cheep  as  we  could  hire  other  labour,  &  Labour  & 
Laming  would  be  conected  together  &  lesen  the 
number  of  those  that  live  without  work.  Also  we 
should  have  a  plenty  of  men  to  fill  the  highest  offices 
of  State  for  less  than  halfe  we  now  give.  But  insted 
of  this  mode  of  Laming  the  few  are  always  striving 
to  oblige  us  to  maintain  grait  men  with  grate  sal- 
leryes  &  to  maintain  Grammer  Schools  in  every 
town  to  teach  our  Children  a  b  c  all  which  is  ondly 
to  give  imploy  to  gentlemens  sons  &  make  places  for 
men  to  live  without  worke.  For  their  is  no  more 
need  of  a  mans  haveing  a  knowledge  of  all  the  lan- 
guages to  teach  a  Child  to  read  write  &  cifer  than 
their  is  for  a  farmer  to  have  the  marinors  art  to  hold 
plow.1 

On  Knowlidge 

The  prinsaple  knowledge  nesecary  for  a  free  man 
to  have  is  obtained  by  the  Libberty  of  the  press  or 
publick  newspapers.  But  this  kind  of  knowledge  is 
almost  ruened  of  late  by  the  doings  of  the  few.  But 
a  few  years  ago  we  could  have  the  hole  news  by  one 
paper  in  a  week,  &  could  put  some  dependance  on 

1  These  criticisms  were  well  taken.  The  common  school  system  established 
by  the  colonists  was  shamefully  neglected  after  the  Revolution,  while  many 
academies  for  classical  education  were  being  founded. 

[361 


The    Key    of  Libberty 


what  was  printed.  But  the  few,  being  closely  com- 
bined &  determined  to  destroy  our  Government, 
find  it  nesecary  to  destroy  the  Liberty  of  the  press 
first.  To  efect  this  they  imploy  no  printers,  but 
those  that  will  adhear  strictly  to  their  vuies  &  inter- 
ests, &  use  all  the  arts  &  retrick  hell  can  invent  to 
blackgard  the  Republican  printers  &  all  they  print, 
&  strive  to  make  the  peopel  believe  falsehood  for 
truts  &  truts  for  falsehood,  &  as  they  have  money 
&  lasure  they  have  their  papers  every  day  in  the 
week.  Consiquently  the  Republican  printers  double 
their  papers,  so  that  a  labouring  man  must  now  be 
at  the  expence  of  three  or  four  dollers  anually  &  read 
&  studdy  halfe  his  time,  &  then  be  at  a  loss  to  know 
what  is  true  &  what  not  —  thus  the  few  have  almost 
ruened  the  Libberty  of  the  press.1 

On   Elections 

The  hole  interest  of  the  Many  lays  in  giting  and 
keeping  fully  &  fairly  represented  in  the  several 
branches  of  government,  &  this  depends  intirely  in 
the  Electors  hayeing  a  knoledge  of  the  carictor, 
abilityes  &  politicle  sentiments  of  those  they  vote 
for,  &  it  is  imposible  for  all  to  have  a  personal  knol- 
edge of  them.  In  large  towns  their  are  some  in- 
stances wheir  the  electors  do  not  all  know  those 
they  vote  for  in  them.  The  State  Senetors  are  more 
unknown,  the  govenour  &  federal  Represent! tives 

1  The  first  daily  paper  in  Boston,  the  Federal  Gazette,  was  founded  in  January, 
1798,  but  it  lasted  less  than  three  months.  There  was  no  other  daily  until  1813. 
At  the  time  Manning  wrote,  there  were  four  semi-weeklies  and  one  weekly  pub- 
lished in  Boston;  two  semi-weeklies  and  eight  weeklies  elsewhere  in  the  state. 
All  were  four-page  sheets,  containing  mostly  foreign  news,  and  violently  partisan 
in  politics.  All  but  two  or  three  were  Federalist.  The  annual  subscription  was 
generally  three  dollars. 

[371 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


are  furder  off  still,  &  the  Electors  of  president,  being 
chosen  ondly  for  a  single  Act  &  not  accountable  for 
his  Conduct  in  that  all  Important  Act.  I  have  often 
wondered  that  under  the  present  meens  of  knowl- 
edge, and  in  opposition  to  the  numerous  arts  of 
flatery,  deception  thretnings  &  falsehoods  practised 
by  the  few  in  elections,  that  the  Many  git  so  fully 
represented  as  they  do,  &  that  their  are  so  many 
Representitives  that  expose  themselves  to  the  abuse 
of  the  few  by  Seporting  our  caws,  when  we  seport 
them  so  poorly,  &  all  the  hopes  I  have  of  seporting 
our  Libbertyes  is  by  a  reformation  or  improvement 
in  this  thing. 

In  our  State  Elections  for  federal  Representitives 
&  Electors,  although  their  was  the  gratest  pains  takin 
on  both  sides  to  colect  all  the  votes  they  could  yet 
their  was  not  halfe  the  peopel  brought  to  act  on 
either  side  &  I  will  appeal  to  the  returns  for  evidence. 
For  according  to  the  best  calculations  I  can  make 
their  is  not  short  of  six  thousand  Voters  in  every 
district  for  a  federal  Represent! tive,  &  in  many  of 
them  they  ware  chosen  with  less  than  500  Votes,  & 
those  colected  chiefly  by  the  influence  of  the  few 
&  their  dependant,  &  from  inconsiderate  young  men. 
The  men  of  Consideration  being  at  a  loss  who  to 
vote  for,  chose  not  to  act  rather  than  be  moritfyed 
after  wards  by  finding  that  they  had  voted  for  those 
who  did  more  hurt  than  good. 

On  the  Constitution  of  Masachusets 

The  Constitution  of  Masachuset  plainly  declares 
in  Bill  of  Rights  Art.  30th  that  the  Lejeslative, 

[381 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


Juditial,  &  Executive  powers  shall  be  kept  intirely 
seperate  from  each  other,  but  from  misconstruction 
&  inatention  or  want  of  knowlidge  amongue  the 
peopel  of  the  little  interests  that  govern  Mankind, 
they  have  in  general  if  not  always  had  a  majority  of 
the  General  Court  Made  up  of  Juditial  &  Executive 
Officers,  untill  our  laws  have  become  so  numerous 
&  intricate  that  it  often  costs  a  man  a  hundred  dol- 
lers  to  git  a  shilling  worth  of  Justis,  &  misses  of  it 
at  last. 

It  also  declares  in  Chapter  4th  that  the  Deligates 
to  Congress  shall  be  chosen  by  Joint  Ballet  of  the 
Senet  &  house  of  Represent! tives  in  one  rome  as- 
sembled.1 But  it  has  long  sence  bin  broken  over, 
by  the  Senet  clameing  a  negative  on  the  house  in  the 
choice  of  those  important  officers,  &  when  ever  their 
has  bin  a  choice  ever  sence  they  have  disagred  & 
some  times  it  has  lasted  several  days.  But  by  the 
arts  practised  in  elections  the  Senet  always  carry 
the  day.  If  it  had  not  bin  for  this  breach  of  our 
Constitution  we  should  not  bin  disgrased  with  two 
Senetors  voting  for  the  treety,  nor  would  it  ever 
have  taken  place. 

On  the  federal  Constitution 

The  Federal  Constitution  by  a  fair  construction  is 
a  good  one  prinsapaly,  but  I  have  no  dout  but  that 
the  Convention  who  made  it  intended  to  destroy  our 
free  governments  by  it,  or  they  neaver  would  have 
spent  4  Months  in  making  such  an  inexpliset  thing. 
As  one  said  at  the  time  of  its  adoption,  it  is  made  like 

JThis  chapter  became  obsolete  when  the  Federal  Constitution  was  adopted. 

[39] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


a  Fiddle,  with  but  few  Strings,  but  so  that  the  ruling 
Majority  could  play  any  tune  upon  it  they  pleased. 
The  trety-making  power  which  has  caused  so  much 
rout  was  as  well  garded  as  any  part  of  it,  but  as  it 
has  bin  exercised,  destroys  the  hole  foundation  & 
end  the  peopel  had  in  makeing  of  it.  For  the  soul 
end  the  peopel  had  in  vue  was  to  establish  a  govern- 
ment for  national  purposes  ondly,  reserving  local 
consarns  to  the  State  governments,  &  in  ordir  that  it 
mite  be  Represent! tive,  declared  that  they  would  not 
be  represented  with  less  than  one  from  every  thirty 
or  forty  thousand  inhabitants,  in  said  government. 

The  letter  of  the  Constitution  as  it  respects  the 
trety  stands  thus.  In  part  It  Sect  It  it  saith  —  All 
Lejeslative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in 
a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist 
of  a  Senet  &  a  house  of  Representitives,  &  it  declares 
that  all  powers  &  soverantyes  not  expresly  given  to 
Congress,  is  reserved  to  the  State  Governments,  & 
all  the  express  powers  given  to  Congress  are  enumer- 
ated in  part  It  Sect  8th  without  the  least  excepttion 
for  any  legeslative  athority  aniwheir  else.  In  part 
2d  Sect  2d  their  is  a  solitary  claws  that  Saith  the 
president  shall  have  power  by  &  with  the  advice  & 
consent  of  the  Senit  to  make  tretyes  —  but  dont  say 
what  kind  of  tretyes  —  and  their  are  saveral  sorts  of 
them.1  Their  are  tretyes  of  peace  with  foron  na- 
tions, &  with  rebels  &  insurgents,  that  need  no  law 
to  carry  them  into  execution.  These  he  may  make 
with  advice  &cc  but  not  without,  for  this  clause  must 

1  Jay's  treaty  precipitated  a  debate  on  the  treaty  making  power  in  the  federal 
government,  which  surpassed  in  length  and  vehemence  even  the  debates  on  the 
treaty  of  Versailles. 

[401 


The   Key   of  Libber -ty 


be  considered  as  a  restriction  rather  than  an  inlarge- 
ment  of  his  power.  For  the  true  &  ondly  meening 
of  the  letter  of  the  Constitution  &  of  the  peopel  that 
excepted  of  it,  was  that  all  tretyes  &  dealings  with 
forron  nations  should  be  done  by  the  supreem 
authority  of  the  Nation,  which  is  the  Legeslative 
power,  &  negotiated  through  the  president,  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  president  corrasponds  with 
foron  Ministers  through  his  sicratary. 

Much  has  bin  said  about  treatys  being  the  Supreem 
Law  of  the  Land,  which  if  admited  would  finely  in- 
large  the  power  of  the  Juditial  &  innable  them  by 
constructions  to  destroy  all  our  laws.  But  I  cant 
se  a  word  of  it  in  the  Constitution.  In  part  6th 
their  is  a  clause  that  plainly  declares  that  the  Federal 
Constitution,  the  federal  laws,  &  all  treetys  shall  be 
supreem  to  the  state  laws  &  constitutions,  but  noth- 
ing determining  which  of  the  three  is  supreem, 
excepting  that  it  appears  reasonable  to  take  them  as 
they  stand,  viz: --It  the  Constitution.  2dly,  the 
Laws.  3dly,  tretys. 

By  such  an  explanation  the  Judge  is  bound  by  his 
oath  not  to  give  judgment  against  either  of  them  in 
favour  of  a  treaty.  If  he  doth  he  pergures  himselfe. 
I  would  not  be  understoot  that  I  think  tretyes  are 
less  binding  than  laws  when  they  are  constitutially 
made,  for  it  is  the  duty  of  the  federal  Legeslature  to 
see  that  the  Constitution,  tretyes  and  laws  do  not 
clash  with  each  other,  &  as  their  objects  of  legeslation 
are  few  they  are  to  blame  if  their  is  any  clash. 
Consiquently  the  bisness  of  the  Juditial  &  Executive 
powers  must  be  clear  &  plane. 

[411 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


This  is  a  fair  construction  of  the  letter  of  the  Con- 
stitution &  the  sence  &  meening  of  the  peopel  when 
they  excepted  it.  As  to  the  mening  of  the  Conven- 
tion that  formed  it,  it  has  nothing  to  do  in  the  ques- 
tion, &  it  was  an  insult  on  the  peopel  to  keep  their 
debates  secret  at  that  time,  &  a  grater  one  to  site  us 
to  them  now  for  an  explanation,  as  Worshington 
did  to  the  house  of  Representitives.  The  peopel 
excepted  of  it  as  it  is,  &  no  other  way.  So  that  the 
plane  truth  is  that  the  British  trety1  was  unconsti- 
tutionly  &  treasonably  made  &  those  that  made  it 
aught  to  have  bin  impeached  &  brought  to  tryal 
immediately,  before  —  ah  here  is  the  rub.  The 
house  of  Representitives  can  impeach  by  a  bare 
majority,  but  the  Senet  must  try  all  impeachments, 
&  two  thirds  of  them  agreed  before  they  can  punnish, 
so  that  in  this  case  one  halfe  the  trators  must  agree 
to  condemn  themselves  before  any  of  them  can  be 
condemned.  Blush  Amaricans,  blush  at  your  bosted 
Constitution.  This  proves  the  dainger  of  chuseing 
Senetors  or  men  into  office  for  6  or  even  four  years, 
for  it  was  known  &  published  in  Ingland  long  before 
the  treaty  arived  in  Amarica  that  20  of  our  Senetors 
had  agreed  to  sign  the  treaty  before  they  see  it. 

The  conduct  of  the  president  in  his  apointing  men 
to  office  &  turning  out  those  that  are  faithfull  to 

1  Jay's  treaty  widened  the  breach  between  the  Hamiltonian  Federalists  and 
the  Jeffersonian  Republicans.  Although  humiliating  to  the  United  States  in 
some  of  its  terms,  the  treaty  was  probably  as  favorable  as  could  have  been  obtained 
at  that  time,  and  it  certainly  prevented  a  war  with  Great  Britain.  But  it  required 
America  to  observe  a  benevolent  neutrality  toward  that  power  in  her  war  with 
France.  Washington  lost  much  of  his  popularity  in  urging  ratification,  which 
was  done  by  a  bare  two-thirds  majority  of  the  Senate.  In  1796  an  attempt  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  to  repudiate  the  treaty  by  refusing  the  necessary 
supplies  was  narrowly  averted,  and  the  election  of  1796  turned  largely  on  this 
issue.  Manning's  description  of  the  merchants'  efforts  to  have  the  treaty  ratified 
and  respected  is  not  exaggerated. 

[42] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


their  trust,  as  he  did  in  turning  out  Mr.  Munro1  & 
others,  proves  the  dainger  &  folly  of  trusting  men 
with  such  grate  powers,  that  are  elected  so  sildom 
into  office.  When  the  patriotick  State  of  Virginia 
moved  for  amendments  to  the  Constitution  so  as  to 
have  the  time  shortned  for  the  election  of  Senetors, 
&  another  tribunal  for  the  tryol  of  impeachments, 
I  thought  &  am  still  confident  that  their  might  be 
corts  erected  in  each  district  to  try  impeachments 
&  remove  from  &  appoint  to  all  offices  within  the 
same,  &  every  man  be  well  paid  for  his  services  with 
less  cost  than  we  are  now  at.  For  it  appears  very 
unreasonable  &  absurd  for  a  hole  Legeslature  or  any 
branch  of  it  to  be  detained  on  a  tryal  of  impeachment 
&  witnesses  to  travel  500  Miles  when  the  hole  issew 
is  ondly  the  loss  of  a  pety  office,  when  their  is  hun- 
dreds stand  ready  to  fill  them  that  can  sarve  the 
publick  better  than  those  removed.  Some  may  say 
that  if  such  corts  ware  erected  it  would  discorage 
men  from  undertaking  in  offices,  but  I  dare  say  that 
if  the  duties  of  officers  ware  made  as  plain  as  they 
might  be  by  the  Legeslature  &  a  single  blunder  in  an 
officer  was  made  Death,  their  would  be  anough  of 
defitient  abilityes  that  would  undertake  for  halfe 
the  pay  some  of  them  receiv  now.  But  these 
alterations  never  will  take  place  without  better 
meens  of  knowledge  amongue  the  peopel. 

1  James  Monroe,  later  President  of  the  United  States,  was  replaced  as  Ameri- 
can minister  to  the  French  Republic,  by  someone  more  sympathetic  with  Presi- 
dent Washington's  policy  of  neutrality.  The  Republicans  considered  him  a 
martyr  to  British  influence. 


43 


The   Key    of  Libber ty 


On  the  Adoption  of  the  British  trety 

A  Short  Revue  of  the  Combined  Doings  of  the 
few  at  the  adoption  of  the  British  trety  will  Show 
the  Importance  of  which  they  vued  it  to  their 
interests. 

When  the  Monster  came  furst  into  vue,  it  was 
reprobated  from  one  end  of  the  Continant  to  the 
other.  Scarsely  one  dare  say  a  single  word  in  favour 
of  it.  But  as  it  wase  an  instrument  that  but  few  of 
the  common  peopel  could  comprehend,  the  petitions 
against  it  ware  chiefly  from  the  seeport  towns,  & 
although  they  ware  almost  unanimous  &  couched  in 
humble  tarmes,  yet  the  presidend  signed  it  &  pro- 
clamed  it  the  Supreem  Law  of  the  Land.  Hence 
arose  a  grate  question,  whether  it  was  binding  or 
not,  &  how  we  could  get  rid  of  it.  Grate  dependanc 
was  put  on  the  State  Legeslatures  for  a  Remidy,  but 
as  it  had  bin  vary  prosperous  times  for  the  Many  for 
some  years,  &  the  few  had  bin  borne  upon  by  the 
high  prices  of  Labour  &  produce,  &  as  prosparity 
is  a  time  of  inatention,  &  Nesecity  the  Mother  of 
Invention,  so  the  few  by  close  attention  in  elecions 
had  got  a  large  majority  of  the  State  Legeslatures 
made  up  of  Lawyers  &  other  fee  officers  favourable 
to  their  interests.  So  that  at  their  first  meetings 
after  the  trety  was  published,  to  our  grate  surprise 
the  question  of  undiminished  confidence  in  the 
president  was  put  &  carryed,  in  almost  all  the  States. 

Then  all  our  hopes  lay  in  the  federal  house  of 
Representitives.  When  they  met  the  same  question 
was  put  but  met  with  a  check,  &  when  the  question 

[44] 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


or  the  treety  came  forward,  their  was  a  large  number 
of  the  most  powerfull  Representitives  advocated  it, 
thundering  out  treason  &  rebellion  against  all  those 
that  dare  say  anithing  against  it,  declaring  that  it 
was  constitutionly  made.  But  to  the  immortal 
honour  of  the  other  side,  after  near  20  Days  warm 
debate,  they  declared  to  the  conterary  by  nearly  two 
to  one.  And  hear  the  Monster  must  have  dyed  for 
want  of  seplyes,  had  it  not  bin  for  the  most  treason- 
able arts  &  doings  of  the  few.  But  finding  their 
carrictors  if  not  their  lives  in  dainger  they  racked 
their  inventions  to  compel  the  house  to  grant  seplyes 
for  said  trety.  To  efect  this,  circulor  letters  wear 
sent  from  the  senter,  to  every  part  of  the  Continant, 
with  a  printed  petition  &  Memorial  redy  for  signing, 
attended  with  a  colection  of  the  most  horred  & 
frightful  falsehoods  that  ever  was  invented  by  the 
Divel.  In  ordir  to  fright  the  peopel  to  petition  the 
house  to  grant  said  Seplyes,  representing  that  the 
house  ware  unconstitutianly  with  holding  the  se- 
plyes and  trying  to  userp  all  the  powers  of  Govern- 
ment to  themselves,  &  that  unless  the  trety  took 
place  Britain  would  sartainly  make  war  with  us,  & 
that  their  power  over  us  &  Vengence  upon  us  would 
be  such  that  they  would  rouse  off  a  grate  gun  3000 
miles  distance  &  blow  all  our  brains  out  if  we  stept 
out  to  piss. 

They  also  represented  the  sartainty  of  a  Sivil 
War  in  such  a  manner  that  we  could  almost  hear  the 
small-armes  crackel,  &  that  the  house  of  Represen- 
titives ware  led  intirely  by  one  Galatine1  who  was  a 

1  Albert  Gallatin,  then  leader  of  the  Republicans  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 

[45] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


vagarent  foronor  &  had  no  interest  in  this  cuntery, 
&  was  trying  to  overset  the  government,  &  had  bin 
the  soul  cause  of  the  Pitsburg  Insurrection  which 
had  cost  the  Government  more  than  twelve  hundred 
thousand  dollors,  &  that  the  ondly  choice  we  had  was 
to  follow  this  odious  Galitine,  or  the  virtuous  wise  & 
glorious  Washington  who  had  led  us  by  the  hand  for 
20  years,  &  had  bin  the  cause  of  all  the  blesings 
&  prosparity  we  had  received  for  eight  years  back, 
&  that  now  was  the  ondly  time  to  chuse  which  of 
these  carrictors  we  would  follow,  &  if  any  person 
attempted  to  controdict  them  in  these  cursed  lyes, 
their  eyes  would  sparkel,  their  chins  quiver,  &  they 
would  call  them  Jacobines,  Shasites,1  Disorganisers 
&  Enemyes  to  all  government.  I  do  not  pretend 
to  say  that  such  representations  ware  every  whare  so, 
but  they  appeared  so  to  me  wheir  I  was,  &  I  thought 
that  if  the  Swinnish  Multitude  had  a  behaved  so 
they  would  soone  have  had  the  adultrious  Ham- 
bleton2  after  them  with  fifteen  thousand  men,  & 
though  he  could  find  nobody  but  men  peasobly 
following  their  honest  callings,  yet  he  would  have 
bosted  of  the  expence  of  twelve  hundred  thousand 
dollers  &  laid  all  the  blame  to  gabrial  or  some  person 
as  innosent,  as  he  as  he  did  the  Pitsburg  Insurrection 
to  Mr.  Galatine. 

But  sad  to  relate,  for  want  of  the  meens  of  knowl- 
edge amongue  the  peopel  they  ware  so  frited  with 

1  The  Federalists  commonly  called  the  Republican   party    the    "  Jacobins," 
on  account  of  their  sympathy  with  the  French  Revolution.     "  Shaysite  "  meant 
a  follower  of  Dan  Shays  in  the  Rebellion  of  1786. 

2  Alexander  Hamilton  in  1797  was  forced  by  the  Republicans  into  a  dilemma 
which  required  him  to  expose  his  relations  with  Mrs.  Reynolds,  rather  than  suffer 
the  implication  of  financial  irregularities  when  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.     The 
fifteen  thousand  men  refers  to  the  force  which  suppressed  the  whisky  or  Pittsburg 
insurrection. 

[46] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


these  lyes  that  they  hastned  to  see  which  cold  git 
his  name  to  the  memorial  first,  &  I  asked  many 
afterwards  what  they  signed  for,  &  some  would  say 
they  singed  for  the  treaty,  some  for  the  good  of  the 
cuntry,  some  to  keep  from  war,  some  for  Washington 
&  some  to  stand  by  the  Constitution,  &  when  I  told 
them  the  true  circumstances  of  the  afair  they  would 
like  lambs  that  are  dumb  after  they  are  sheared, 
turne  away  &  wish  to  hear  no  more  about  it.  But  to  i 
returne,  these  petitions  thronging  in  upon  the  house 
from  all  quarters  gave  grate  corage  to  the  minority 
&  equilly  depresed  the  majority,  so  that  after  a  long 
resistance  a  bare  majority  was  gained  &  the  seplyes 
granted  for  the  treety. 

Thus  by  the  combinations  of  the  few,  with  the 
ordir  of  Cincinaty  at  their  hed,  a  seal  is  put  upon 
the  breach  of  our  Constitution  &  almost  innumer- 
able other  disadvantages  which  may  appear  by  re- 
marks on  the  trety  its  selfe. 

On  the  British  treaty   &  war  with  France 

To  describe  all  the  bad  efects  of  this  treaty  would 
take  vollums.  I  shall  therefore  ondly  mention  two 
or  three  which  have  a  direct  tendancy  to  deprive  ous 
of  a  medium  &  git  us  in  to  wars,  espatially  one  with 
France.1 

In  one  of  the  article  of  said  treaty  it  is  agreed  that 
no  higher  dutyes  shall  be  laid  on  articles  imported 
from  Britton.  Conciquently  we  shall  be  thronged 

1  The  French  government  took  umbrage  at  certain  clauses  in  Jay's  treaty, 
severed  diplomatic  relations  with  the  United  States,  and  began  spoliations  on 
American  commerce.  In  this  controversy,  Jeffersonian  Republicans  took  the 
French  side,  placing  all  blame  for  the  rupture  on  the  treaty  and  its  supporters. 

I  47  ] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


with  their  manufactoryes,  made  by  their  slaves  who 
by  the  oppression  of  their  government  are  obliged 
to  worke  for  a  trifel  &  live  upon  less,  so  that  they 
will  undersell  &  destroy  all  our  manifactoryes,  carry 
all  our  mony  away  from  us,  &  all  our  futuer  taxes 
must  be  colected  'from  our  lands  property  &  dealings 
in  the  cuntry.  In  Art.  10th  it  is  declared  that  their 
shall  be  no  confiscations  or  seasures  on  private 
property  belonging  to  subjects  of  either  nation  in 
case  of  war  betwen  the  two  powers,  which  the  Laws 
of  Natons  declares  to  be  just.  This  Article  deprives 
us  of  our  almost  ondly  defence  against  the  Nation; 
for  the  emence  sumes  they  have  in  our  funds,  banks 
&  due  from  our  marchents,  together  with  the  advan- 
tages of  our  trade  to  them,  would  be  a  grater  gard 
against  their  makeing  war  with  us  than  50  sail  of 
the  line.  But  this  is  given  up  so  that  the  property 
of  these  creditors  who  have  grate  influence  in  both 
nations  will  be  safe  in  case  of  war,  So  that  they  will 
not  be  interested  to  oppose  war  but  will  redily  join 
the  few  in  both  nations  to  make  war  for  the  sake  of 
keeping  standing  Armies  to  inslave  the  Many. 

But  the  gratest  dainger  from  this  treety  is  a  war 
with  France,  &  this  seems  to  have  bin  the  design  of 
our  Administration  ever  since  the  treaty  was  in 
contemplation. 

For  his  grate  Bul[l]  of  Imparshall  Nutrality,1 
(however  agreable  it  might  be  to  the  peopel  that  did 
not  know  our  obligations  to  France)  was  a  direct 
violation  of  our  trety  with  them,  for  by  the  treaty 
of  Commerse  Art  17th&  22d  we  ware  bound  to  give 

1  Washington's  Neutrality  Proclamation  of  April,  1793. 

[48] 


The  Key  of  Libber ty 


them,  very  grate  priviledges,  &  to  witholde  them 
from  their  enemyes  in  time  of  war.  Also  by  the 
trety  of  Aliance  Art  11  we  ware  bound  to  garantee 
their  west  india  Ilunds,  a  grate  part  of  which  they 
have  lost  for  want  of  our  fulfiling  our  obligations. 
Besides,  the  Cause  of  France  was  our  own  Cause, 
the  Combination  against  them  was  against  the  Rights 
of  Men  &  free  governments  all  over  the  world,  which 
we  had  just  bin  fighting  for  ourselves  &  provibli 
never  should  obtained  if  france  had  not  assisted  us, 
So  that  we  ware  solemly  bound  by  treaty,  interest 
and  gratitude  to  be  on  the  side  of  France,  &  all 
these  obligations  would  gladly  bin  fulfiled  by  the 
peopel  if  the  Administration  had  done  their  duty. 
If  insted  of  sending  Jay  to  make  the  treety  they  had 
adopted  Mr.  Medisons  Resolutions,  kept  on  the 
Imbargo,1  stopt  the  importation  of  Brittish  goods, 
sequestred  the  British  property  in  our  hands,  &cc., 
&  let  them  a  made  war  on  us  as  sone  as  they  dared, 
it  is  more  than  provable  (had  this  bin  done)  that  the 
war  in  Urope  would  bin  over  before  now  —  King 
Jorg  under  ground  with  Lois  the  16th  —  Ingland  a 
Republick  —  Amarica  in  good  credit  —  &  other  ways 
much  better  orf  than  they  be  now. 

But  insted  of  this  and  in  ordir  to  hinder  the  Leges- 
lature  from  addopting  those  just  resolutions,  the 
government  sent  Jay  to  make  the  treaty,  hypocriti- 
cally &  falsely  pretending  that  he  was  sent  ondly  to 

1  In  January,  1794,  when  relations  with  Great  Britain  were  most  critical, 
James  Madison  offered  a  set  of  resolutions  discriminating  against  British  trade  in 
favor  of  nations  that  had  entered  a  commercial  treaty  with  the  United  States. 
The  resolves  passed  the  House,  but  were  lost  in  the  Senate  through  the  influence 
of  Hamilton.  Shortly  after,  an  embargo  was  laid  on  foreign  commerce,  but 
removed  in  a  few  months'  time  at  the  instance  of  the  French  minister,  who  wished 
to  despatch  a  fleet  of  provision  ships  to  France. 

[49] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


demand  restitution  for  our  plundered  property  & 
the  western  postes,  &  charged  our  minister  to  tel 
the  same  lyes  to  France.  But  insted  of  fulfiling 
this  Declaration  by  the  treety  he  abandoned  the 
modorn  Laws  of  nations  which  he  was  bound  to 
seport  both  by  our  trety  with  france  &  his  own 
proclamation,  &  gave  Britan  libberty  to  sease  their 
enimyes  property  on  bord  our  vessels  and  to  sease 
provisions  going  to  their  Enemies  ports.  Also  made 
many  articles  controband  that  ware  not  so  by  the 
Laws  of  nations.  This  being  done,  the  french 
ondly  took  the  advantage  of  the  2d  Art  of  our  trety 
with  them  which  is  that  nither  party  shall  grant  any 
purticulor  favours  to  other  Natons,  Respecting 
Navigation  &  Commerce,  which  shall  not  immedi- 
ately become  common  to  the  other  party,  who  shall 
injoy  the  same  favour  freely.  So  that  the  french 
are  not  to  blame  for  takeing  our  vessels  no  more 
than  brittan,  &  by  the  tretys  giving  this  libberty  it 
is  seposed  we  have  lost  near  halfe  the  shiping  we 
owned  three  year  ago.  This  is  a  true  statement  of 
the  case  that  anybody  may  be  convinced  of  it  they 
will  ondly  looke  on  the  treetyes  &  Mr  Munroes  & 
Fouchets  pamphlets.1 

Yet  we  see  these  combined  ordirs,  trety-mungers 
&  British  agints  under  Cincinaty  who  ware  so 
horrably  fritned  a  little  while  bak  for  fear  of  going 
to  war  with  Brittan,  a  crying  out  and  are  ready  to 
tare  their  hare  off  to  persuade  us  to  go  to  war  with 

1  James  Monroe,  A  View  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Executive  in  the  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  United  States,  and  Joseph  Fauchet  (French  minister  at  Philadelphia), 
Sketch  of  the  Present  State  of  our  Political  Relations  with  the  United  States.  Both 
pamphlets  appeared  in  1797. 

[50] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


France,  who  alone  has  concord  almost  all  Urope  & 
now  in  their  full  Strength  &  vigour.  But  the  plane 
truth  is  the  treaty  and  those  that  made  it  are  the 
causes  of  all  our  disgrace  &  difficulty  and  it  was 
unconstitutially  made,  &  aught  to  be  for  ever  dis- 
ownd  and  all  those  that  made  it,  banished  from  the 
Continant,  &  their  property  confiscated  toards 
paying  the  dammages.  But  if  this  cant  be  done  we 
had  infinitely  better  give  france  2  or  3  million  of 
dollers  than  go  to  war  with  them  two  years.  This 
may  appear  by  taking  a  short  vue  of  the  little  wars 
&  Insurrections  we  have  had  sence  our  Independence. 

On  the  Pitsburg  Insurrection^ 

The  Pitsburg  Insurrection  would  neaver  have 
hapned  if  it  had  not  bin  for  some  unreasonable 
iritations  imposed  on  the  peopel  by  trying  to  inforce 
the  Excise  Law  their  before  it  was  put  in  execution 
in  other  parts  of  the  Continant,  or  if  they  had  known 
the  mindes  of  the  peopel  on  it  in  other  parts,  &  after 
it  had  breok  out  might  have  bin  settled  for  a  trifel 
if  fatherly  &  kinde  measures  had  bin  used.  But  as 
it  was  maniged,  it  cost  the  Continint,  upwards  of 
twelve  hundred  thousand  dollers. 

On  the  Indian  War 

The  Indian  war  was  started  under  the  Adminis- 
tration of  Saint  Clark2  with  out  any  just  provocation 
&  has  cost  us  upward  of  six  million  of  dollors  & 
seaveral  thousand  of  lives  without  any  advantage 
to  us. 

1  Generally  called  the  Whisky  Rebellion. 

*  General  Arthur  St.  Clair.     His  unfortunate  campaign  of  1791  is  referred  to. 

[51] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


On  the  Shais  Affair  in  Masachusets.1 

As  I  lived  near  wheir  this  afair  hapned,  &  received 
some  frouns  from  the  acttors  on  both  sides  of  the 
actt  because  I  was  apposed  to  their  measures,  I  will 
indaver  to  give  a  more  full  but  impartial  account 
of  it. 

At  the  close  of  the  late  war  with  Brittan,  although 
our  paper  money  had  dyed  away,  &  left  the  peopel 
grately  in  debt  by  it,  &  a  large  publick  det  on  us  by 
the  war,  Yet  their  was  a  large  quantity  of  hard  mony 
amongue  us  sefitient  for  a  Medium.  But  for  want 
of  a  proper  regulation  of  trade,  &  the  prices  of  Labour 
&  produce  being  higher  here  than  in  other  cuntryes, 
our  marchents  shiped  it  off  lode  after  load  by  the 
hundred  thousand  dollers  together  untill  their  was 
but  little  left,  &  taxes  ware  extreemly  high.  Some 
countyes  ware  two  or  three  years  behind,  &  the 
price  of  Labour  &  produce  falling  very  fast,  creditors 
calling  for  old  debts  that  they  would  not  take  in 
paper  Money,  &  those  that  had  money  demanding 
30,  40,  &  some  50  pursent  interest,  fee  officers  de- 
manding double,  thribble  &  some  4  times  so  much  as 
the  law  alowed  them,  and  all  of  them  so  crouded  with 
bisness  that  it  was  hard  to  git  any  done,  &  property 
selling  every  day  by  execution  for  less  than  halfe 
its  value,  &  jales  crouded  with  debttors  ;  &  the 
peopel  being  ignorant  that  all  their  help  lay  in  being 
fully  and  fairly  represented  in  the  Legeslature, 
many  towns  neglected  to  send  Representitives  in 
ordir  to  save  the  cost,  so  that  the  few  ondly  ware 

1  Shays's  Rebellion  of  1786.  The  author's  account  of  this  affair  is  just  and 
accurate,  except  for  the  references  to  the  Cincinnati. 

[52] 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


Represented  at  cort,  with  an  Aristrocratical  Bodoin1 
as  Govenour  at  their  head. 

Under  all  these  circumstances  the  peopel  ware 
drove  to  the  gratest  extremity.  Many  countyes 
took  to  Conventions,  Remonstrances  &  petition  to  a 
Corte  where  they  ware  not  halfe  represented.  But 
not  being  heard  to  or  in  some  instances  charged  with 
saditious  metings  &  intentions  some  countyes  ware 
so  follish  as  to  stop  the  Corts  of  Justis  by  force  of 
armes.  This  shook  the  government  to  its  foundation, 
for  insted  of  fatherly  councals  &  admonitions,  the 
dog  of  war  was  let  loose  upon  them  &  they  ware 
declared  in  a  state  of  Insurrection  &  Rebellion.  In 
these  circomstances,  the  few  ware  all  alive  for  the 
seporte  of  Government,  &  all  those  who  would  not 
be  continually  crying  Government  —  Government  — 
or  dared  to  say  a  word  against  any  of  their  measures 
ware  called  Shasites  &  Rebels  &  thretned  with 
prosicutions  &cc.  But  a  large  majority  of  the 
peopel,  thinking  that  their  was  blame  on  both  sides, 
or  vueing  one  side  as  knaves  &  the  other  as  fooles, 
it  was  with  grate  difficulty  &  delay  before  a  sefitient 
number  could  be  raised  &  sent  to  surpress  them. 
But  it  was  done  with  the  loss  of  but  few  lives. 

This  put  the  peopel  in  the  most  zelous  sarches 
after  a  remidy  for  their  greviences.  Thousands  & 
thousands  of  miles  ware  rode  to  consult  each  other 
on  the  afair,  &  they  hapily  efected  it  in  a  few  months. 
Ondly  by  useing  their  priviledges  as  electors,  Bodoin 
was  turned  out  from  being  govenour  (&  in  a  few 
years  sickened  &  dyed)  &  Hancok  was  almost 

1  James  Bowdoin.  The  popular  John  Hancock  had  refused  reelection  that 
year,  scenting  the  approaching  storm.1! 

[531 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


unanimously  Chosen  in  his  rbme.  Many  of  the 
old  Representitives  shaired  the  same  fate,  &  a  full 
Representation  sent  to  Cort  from  every  parte  of  the 
State,  which  soone  found  out  meens  to  redress  the 
grevances  of  the  peopel,  though  they  ware  attended" 
with  the  most  dificult  circumstances.  So  that 
everything  appeared  like  the  clear  &  plesent  sunshine 
after  a  most  tremendious  storme.  This  is  a  streiking 
demonstration  of  the  advantages  of  a  free  elective 
government,  &  shews  how  a  peopel  may  run  them- 
selves into  the  gratest  difficultyes  by  inatention  in 
elections  &  retreve  their  circumstances  again  by 
attending  theirtoo. 

This  Shais  afair  neaver  would  have  hapned  if  the 
peopel  had  bin  posesed  of  a  true  knowledge  of  their 
Rights,  Dutyes,  &  Interests,  or  if  the  government 
had  done  their  duty  according  to  the  oaths  they 
ware  under,  &  if  they  had  have  had  such  a  govenour 
as  Hancok  at  that  time.  Even  after  the  Corts  ware 
stoped  he  would  have  Settled  the  hole  afare  for  less 
than  a  thousand  dollers.  But  as  it  was  maniged  it 
cost  the  State  seaveral  hundred  thousands  dollers, 
&  this  is  always  the  way  in  wars.  The  few  that  are 
imployed  to  manage  them  make  them  as  costly  as 
posable  &  if  the  mater  was  sarched  to  the  bottom  it 
would  be  found  that  some  of  the  ordir  of  Cincinaty 
have  bin  at  the  bo  torn  of  all  these  wars,  &  got  into 
bisness  &  grone  rich  by  them  &  the  farmers  &  La- 
bourers have  yet  the  cost  to  pay  &  So  it  will  be 
again  if  we  have  a  war  with  France. 


54 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


Remarkes  on  the  Funding  Sistim1 

The  funding  sistim  was  established  by  Congress 
before  we  ware  equilli  represented  their.  Notwith- 
standing it  was  alway  apposed  by  a  very  large  num- 
ber, &  after  a  long  &  warm  debate  was  agreed  to  by 
a  majority  of  ondly  one,  40  against  41  &  by  raking  up 
all  the  State  debts  &  the  old  Continental  mony  from 
its  tomb,  mounted  it  up  to  near  Eighty  Millions  of 
Dollers,  when  according  to  the  opinnion  of  the  other 
side  their  was  not  much  more  than  twenty  millions 
justly  due,  &  we  have  alreadi  paid  near  forty  millions 
Interest  on  this  debt,  the  one  halfe  of  which  would 
have  eniulated  the  hole  debt. 

Consiquently  what  we  have  already  paid  &  have 
now  to  pay  comes  to  a  hundred  million  of  dollors 
that  the  publick  never  received  nor  the  posessor 
naver  gave  a  single  fathing  for,  &  seposing  that 
their  is  4  million  of  persons  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  it  is  25  Dollors  apeas  for  each  man  woman 
&  child  to  pay,  &  seposeing  their  is  as  many  women 
as  men  &  all  of  it  assesed  on  the  males,  makes  it  50 
dollers  apeace,  which  according  as  taxes  are  leaveled 
in  Masachusets  it  would  come  to  near  two  hundred 
dollers  apeace  for  common  or  midling  farmers  to 
pay,  And  this  is  not  halfe  the  dammages  of  the 
funding  Sistim,  for  it  is  ondly  made  a  pretext  for  al 
the  imposed  dutyes  excises  &  land  taxs  that  are 
laid  upon  the  peopel,  when  the  real  intent  is  to  make 
places  for  numerous  sets  of  Officers  with  high 
saliryes  &  fees  to  colect  them  &  is  always  so  managed 

1  A  typical  Jeffersonian  Republican  view  of  Alexander  Hamilton's  financial 
system. 

[55] 


The  Key   of  Libber ty 


that  it  takes  the  hole  Revenue  to  pay  the  interest  & 
seport  government,  &  seldome  doth  that.  For  it  is 
a  declared  fact  that  Warshingtones  eight  years 
glorious  administration,  (while  the  Cuntry  was  in 
as  prosperous  circumstances  as  ever  they  was  or 
ever  will  be)  run  us  above  eight  millions  of  dolers 
into  Debt. 

On  the  Name  of  Washington 

Grate  use  has  bin  made  of  this  name  to  deceive 
the  peopel  &  make  them  content  with  the  Adminis- 
tration of  Government,  &  much  time  has  bin  spent 
in  our  Legeslative  bodyes,  &  sacred  pulpets,  in 
the  most  fulsome  &  sickish  praises  &  adulations  of 
Warshington  for  what  he  aught  to  have  bin  bannished 
for,  which  has  deceived  thousands  &  thousands  of 
honest  peopel  into  their  measures,  which  was  prin- 
saply  done,  by  pretending  (in  adition  to  his  real 
services  in  the  war)  that  he  was  the  cause  of  all  the 
prosperity  we  ware  under,  for  all  are  sonsable  that 
the  times  have  bin  veri  prosperous  to  the  interests 
of  the  Many.  But  this  was  not  in  the  Least  oweing 
to  the  measure  of  Administration  but  to  the  Repub- 
lican opposition  their  too,  or  prinsaply  to  the  three 
following  Causes. 

1.  The  free  circulation  of  money  arose  prinsaply 
from  the  State  banks  which  ware  erected  to  oppose 
the  parshality  of  the  Continental  Bank,  which  was 
cheafly  imployed  in  speculation.  But  this  would 
neavour  have  raised  the  price  of  Labour  &  produce, 
that  arose  from  two  other  causes.  One  is  that  all 
the  ordirs  of  men  who  live  without  Labour  have  got 

[56] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


so  monstrously  crouded  with  numbers  &  made  it 
fashanable  to  live  &  dress  so  high,  that  Labour  & 
produce  is  scarse.  If  all  of  them  would  go  to  work 
&  live  as  prudently  as  commonly  labourers  do,  that 
are  not  absolutly  needed  by  the  publick  it  would 
soone  make  an  ods  in  the  price  of  Labour  &  produce. 
But  the  gratest  cause  is  the  Uropean  Wars,  which 
has  made  all  kinds  of  produce  in  the  gratest  demand 
while  we  had  a  free  trade,  which  provibly  might 
have  continued  to  this  day  if  the  treeaty  had  not 
bin  made.  But  as  these  good  times  for  the  Many  are 
in  proportion  bad  for  the  few,  so  all  the  measures  of 
Administration  have  bin  opposed  to  them  &  the 
trety  was  made  on  purpose  to  ingure  the  rights  of 
the  Many  &  it  has  already  efected  it,  for  the  lawyurs 
&  all  fee  men  have  had  more  bisness  within  two 
years  back  than  they  had  for  sex  years  Before. 

On  partyes 

Much  has  bin  said  of  late  about  partyes  &  Many 
are  the  names  by  which  they  are  described,  such  as 
Monorcal  &  Republican,  Aristrocratical,  &  Dema- 
cratical,  Royallests,  &  Jacobines,  Toryes  &  Whigs, 
the  few  &  the  Many,  all  which  names  appear  to  me 
to  describe  but  two  sets  of  men  differing  about  one 
&  the  same  thing,  or  that  the  causes  of  their  disputes 
arise  from  the  conceived  differance  of  interests  I 
have  bin  discribing  &  the  unreasonable  desires  of  the 
few  to  tironise  over  &  inslave  the  many,  &  the 
glorious  Revolution  that  has  lately  taken  place  in 
France  has  alarmed  the  few  to  a  very  high  degree. 
When  it  first  brock  out  almost  all  the  kings  of  Urope 

[57] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


openly  combined  to  destroy  them  or  restore  Mon- 
orca  &  tirony  over  them  again,  &  so  grate  was  their 
confidence  of  suckses  that  they  agreed  amongue 
themselves  how  to  divide  the  taritory  &  Spoils. 
But  as  the  Lord  is  always  on  the  side  of  a  people 
contending  for  their  Rights  &  Libbertyes,  he  so 
inspired  france  with  wisdome  &  corage  that  they 
have  already  cut  &  tore  them  to  peaces,  so  that  they 
have  all  but  one  bin  obliged  to  make  peace  with 
them  on  their  own  tarmes. 

But  all  this  has  not  discoraged  that  party.  They 
are  yet  in  hopes  of  efecting  by  bribery  &  corruption 
what  they  cant  do  by  force  of  armes,  for  their  com- 
binations are  extended  far  &  wide  &  are  not  confined 
to  Urope  &  Emarica,  but  are  extending  to  every 
part  of  the  world.  Gog  &  Magog  are  gathered 
together,  to  destroy  the  Rights  of  Man  &  banish 
Libberty  from  the  world,  &  they  had  nearly  efected 
one  of  their  nefarious  plan  in  france  last  sumer, 
ondly  by  their  arts  &  bribery  in  Elections,  &  for 
want  of  the  meens  of  knoledge  amongue  that  grate 
peopel.  For  by  said  arts  they  had  got  a  governing 
parte  of  the  Legeslature  a  large  parte  of  the  Juditial 
power  &  two  of  the  Directory,  combined  in  favour 
of  overthroughing  the  Republick  &  seting  up  Roialty.1 

And  the  hand  of  providance  was  neaver  more 
evident  than  in  the  overthrough  of  the  Royallest  on 
the  4th  of  September,  for  although  their  was  abun- 

1  This  version  of  the  coup  d'etat  of  the  18  fructidor,  year  5  (September  4, 
1797),  was  the  one  generally  believed  by  Jeffersonian  Republicans.  What  ac- 
tually happened  was  that  the  moderate  Republicans  in  France,  who  desired  peace 
with  England  and  a  decent  policy  toward  neutrals,  won  the  elections  in  the 
summer  of  1797,  whereupon  the  militant  triumvirate  of  the  Directory  annulled 
the  elections,  filled  the  vacancies  with  its  own  partisans,  and  invented  a  royalist 
conspiracy  to  cover  its  misdeeds. 

[58] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


dant  evidence  of  the  Conspiracy,  yet  it  could  not 
have  bin  expected  that  a  bare  majority  of  the  Direc- 
tory with  all  the  assistance  they  could  git  would 
have  attempted  it,  from  mear  prinsaples  of  virtue 
&  obediance  to  their  oaths  to  seporte  the  Constitu- 
tion espatially  when  their  complicated  Constitution 
had  not  purticularly  proveded  for  such  an  afair. 
But  providenc  had  so  ordired  it  that  their  lives  ware 
in  dainger  &  they  ware  compeled  to  do  their  duty  by 
selfe  preservation  &  thus  the  Royallest  ware  over 
throne  &  that  Grate  Republick  not  ondly  saved  but 
established  by  it  on  a  stronger  foundation  than  ever 
they  stood  before. 

That  their  is  such  an  extensive  combination  in 
favour  of  Royalty  is  evident  from  the  grate  knoledg 
&  grate  calculations  that  ware  made  upon  it  all  over 
Urope  &  in  Amarica  long  before  it  took  place,  for 
the  Royal  news  papers  ware  full  of  hints  about  it. 
Also  its  being  published  in  Ingland  that  20  of  the 
Amarican  Senetors  had  agreed  to  sign  the  British 
treety  before  ever  it  arived  here  is  another  evidence 
of  said  combinations,  &  thousands  of  others  might 
be  mentioned.  Therefore  I  am  strongly  led  to 
believe,  by  the  grate  zeal  of  our  Administration,  to 
send  so  many  ministers  to  foron  Nations  &  the 
carictors  they  send,  &  the  grate  opposition  made  in 
Congress  to  granting  seplies  for  that  purpose,  that 
they  are  many  of  them  somewhat  ingaged  in  this 
combination.  I  also  believe  by  the  grate  zeal  of 
these  partyes  in  Amarica,  which  appears  in  news- 
papers &  the  warm  debates  in  Congress,  that  one 
party  or  tother  will  soone  govern,  or  their  will  be  a 

[59] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


scrach  for  it.  Therefore  conclude  that  it  is  high 
time  for  the  Republicans  to  Unite  as  well  as  the 
Roiallist. 

Thus  haveing  indevoured  to  shew  the  causes  that 
ruen  all  free  governments  and  the  circumstances  we 
are  brought  into  by  them  I  request  your  canded 
atention  to  what  I  shall  propose  as  a 

Reamidy  Against  It 

The  ondly  Remidy  against  these  evils  is  by  im- 
proveing  our  Rights  as  freemen  in  elections,  nor  do 
we  need  any  other  if  we  ware  posesed  of  knowledge 
anough  to  act  rationally  in  them.  For  as  I  have 
before  shewed,  the  duty  of  a  Representitive  or  any 
person  chosen  into  office  is  to  act  as  all  his  Constitu- 
tiants  would  if  they  ware  all  present  &  all  knew  what 
was  for  their  own  interests.  And  as  men  being 
elected  into  neavour  so  high  offices,  remain  men 
still  and  are  moved  by  the  same  prinsaples  &  passions 
as  other  men  are,  so  that  the  temtation  &  emolument 
of  25  thousand  dollors  a  year  or  any  other  some  & 
to^be  worshiped  into  the  bargain  hath  ten  thousand 
charme  with  it,  so  that  the  love  of  office  will  compel 
them  to  aim  at  pleasing  their  Constituants.  Consi- 
quently  if  elections  are  closely  attended  to  by  all  the 
peopel  &  they  look  well  ever  after  their  Representi- 
tives,  their  is  no  dainger  but  that  they  will  do  their 
duty.  Therefore  the  ondly  Remidi  is  knowledge. 

I  Shall  therefore  It  Describe  the  knowledge 
nesecary  for  a  freeman.  2dly  Describe  the  Meens  by 
which  it  may  be  obtained.  3dly  Vindicate  the  plan 
by  Sundri  Remarkes. 

[60] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


1.  Knowledge  nesecary  for  a  freeman 

The  Knowledge  nesecary  for  every  freeman  to 
have  is  A  Knowledge  of  Mankind  —  A  Knowledge 
of  the  differend  interest  that  influence  all  ordirs  of 
men  —  A  Knowledge  of  the  prinsaples  of  the  gov- 
ernment &  Constitution  he  lives  under  —  A  Knowl- 
edge of  all  the  laws  that  immediately  consarnes  his 
conduct  &  interests  —  A  knowledge  that  when  laws 
are  once  constitutially  made,  they  must  be  obayed, 
let  them  be  neaver  so  rong  in  his  mind,  and  that 
their  is  no  remidy  for  greevences  but  by  petitioning 
the  authority  that  made  them  &  useing  his  Right  in 
Elections  —  A  knowledge  of  the  true  prinsaples, 
carictor  &  abilityes  of  all  those  he  votes  for  into  any 
kind  of  office  —  A  knowledge  of  the  existing  senti- 
ments wishes  &  circumstances,  of  all  those  of  his 
interest  in  the  town,  county,  State  or  Nation  to 
which  he  belongs,  so  that  he  may  unite  in  the  choice 
of  the  ablest  &  best  men  to  take  care  of  &  defend 
their  interests.  Also  Unite  in  petitioning  for  redress 
of  grevances.  Also  a  knowledge  of  the  moste  in- 
teresting debates  in  the  Legeslature  &  the  side  his 
own  Representitive  takes  in  the  desition.  He  aught 
to  have  all  this  knowledge  independant  of  any 
ordirs  of  men,  or  individuals  who  may  be  interested 
to  deceive  or  misleed  him. 

2.  The  Means  by  Which  it  May  be  obtained 

As  this  knowledge  cant  be  obtained  without  the 
expence  of  a  continued  sereies  of  publications  that 
can  be  red  with  confidence  as  to  their  truth,  and  as 

[61] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


newspaper  knowledg  is  ruened  by  the  few,  &  as  the 
ordir  of  Cincinaty  have  purformed  such  wonders  by 
their  Asociations,  I  propose  a  Sociaty  of  Labourers 
to  be  formed  as  near  after  the  ordir  of  Cincinati  as 
the  largeness  of  their  numbers  will  admit  of. 

The  Society  to  be  composed  of  all  the  Republicans 
&  Labourers  in  the  United  States  who  will  be  at  the 
expense  of  obtaining  the  above  described  Knowledg. 

And  in  ordir  to  be  clearly  understood  how  this 
Society  may  be  formed,  I  have  draughted  a  Con- 
stitution as  nearly  after  the  Constitution  of  Cincinaty 
as  the  circomstances  will  admit  of,  to  which  I  refer 
the  readers,  to  which  he  may  find  at  the  close  of  this 
adress. 

Remarkes  In  Vindication  of  the  Society 

As  all  new  things  make  a  grate  stir  at  first,  so  it 
may  be  expected  this  will,  &  many  objicttions  raised 
against  it.  The  ordirs  of  the  few  may  denounce  it 
as  daingerous  to  Government.  But  if  all  the  powers 
of  Hell  should  rise  up  &  assume  the  wisdom  &  grate- 
ness  of  Angels  &  try  to  overthrow  it  they  aught  not 
to  be  heard  to  nor  minded,  for  it  is  perfectly  Consti- 
tutianal,  &  what  all  the  ordirs  of  the  few  have  prac- 
tised! upon  (as  I  have  before  shewen)  &  their  opposi- 
tion to  it  arises  holly  from  selfeish  vues.  Therefore 
I  will  not  say  much  on  this  objection. 

But  the  trouble  &  expence  of  it  may  be  a  more 
serious  one.  Therefore  I  request  your  attention  to 
the  following  statements  &  calculations.  As  to  such 
a  Magazein,  it  is  not  like  three  or  four  newspapers  in 
a  week  that  are  good  for  nothing  ondly  when  they 

[621 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


are  fresh  from  the  press.  But  this  will  answer  the 
same  purpose  if  red  anitime  in  the  Month.  Consi- 
quently  one  will  do  for  a  hole  Neighbourhood,  and  a 
Librarian  would  be  well  paid  for  his  trouble  by  have- 
ing  them  handy.  As  to  the  Town,  County  &  State 
presidents  &  other  officers,  if  they  should  do  their 
duty  without  any  pay  but  the  honour,  they  would 
receive  as  much  as  Militia  officers  &  many  town 
officers  for  their  services.  But  if  they  are  well  paid 
it  cant  be  much  to  an  individual. 

As  to  the  cost  of  the  Magazein,  I  have  no  dout 
but  that  a  good  Republican  printer  would  deliver 
one  in  every  town  in  the  State  for  9/01  a  year  full 
large  anough  for  a  Labourer  to  reade,  &  seposeing 
six  neighbours  should  join  it  would  be  but  1/6 
apeace,  for  which  they  would  have  such  valuable 
reading  for  themselves  &  hole  familyes  a  year.  As 
to  spending  three  or  4  howers  on  the  4th  of  July  to 
choose  officers,  it  is  no  more  than  thousands  do  now, 
&  if  their  did  not  more  than  a  quorter  parte  of  the 
Society  meet  the  officers  might  be  chosen  &  the 
organisation  kept  up,  as  well  as  if  they  ware  all  their. 

As  to  establishing  funds,  sepose  a  class  or  an  indi- 
viduel  puts  inn  25  dollors,  the  interest  of  it  would 
pay  for  a  Magazein  for  evear  without  the  trouble  of 
anuel  or  quorterly  payments.  If  the  Legislature  of 
Masachusets  should  grant  a  fund  sefitiant  for  the 
hole  State  it  would  not  cost  more  than  the  Shais 
Afair  did,  which  would  naver  a  hapned  if  such  a 
Society  had  bin  established  then. 

1  Nine  shillings,  or  31.50.  Although  our  present  monetary  system  had  already 
been  established,  New  Englanders  continued  for  many  years  to  reckon  in  the 
terms  of  their  colonial  currency,  at  six  shillings  to  a  dollar. 

[63] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


Sepose  Congress  should  grant  funds  for  the  hole 
Continant,  it  would  not  cost  much  more  than  the 
pitsburge  Insurrection  did,  which  would  never  bin 
if  such  a  Sosiety  had  bin  formed.  Nor  would  it 
cost  much  more  than  the  3  frygates  did  which  are 
not  much  better  to  us  than  so  many  Birch  Canows.1 
And  if  General  Worshington  should  grant  20  thou- 
sand dollors  towards  the  funds  (as  it  is  sad  he  offered 
toards  a  National  Acadimi)  it  would  be  to  a  better 
purpose  and  make  thousands  of  peopel  think  much 
better  of  him  than  they  do  now. 

Some  may  sepose  it  would  be  very  dificult  to  forme 
such  a  Society,  But  ondly  let  a  printer  be  agreed 
with  to  advertise  such  a  Magazein  on  tarmes  that 
would  do,  and  thousands  would  take  them  if  they 
had  nothing  in  vue  but  amusement,  &  they  would 
sone  find  that  it  would  be  the  cheepest  way  to  or- 
ganise themselves  (as  proposed)  for  that  purpose. 
And  if  their  should  com  on  such  times  as  their  was 
in  Masachusets  in  1786  all  the  many  would  gladly 
be  at  the  expence  of  obtaining  such  knowledge  &  the 
Society  would  come  together  like  a  building  well 
framed  &  marked. 

And  by  thus  anually  electing  persons  for  corras- 
pondaiice  &  to  superintend  the  Magazen  &  news- 
papers they  take,  the  Editors  thereof  will  be  fur- 
nished with  the  meens  of  conveying  all  the  knowledge 
above  described,  &  will  be  strongly  induced  to  do  it 
as  compleat  as  possable  from  prinsaples  of  self 

1  The  Constitution,  Constellation  and  United  States.  Jeffersonians  were  much 
opposed  to  this  new  navy.  The  Boston  Independent  Chronicle  of  September  21, 
1797,  contains  a  sarcastic  account  of  the  launching  of  the  "  Federal  Frigate  " 
Constitution.  "  How  long  the  Frigate  will  endure,  we  know  not;  but  if  it  ever 
reaches  the  light-house,  as  Continental  property,  it  is  more  than  we  believe." 

[64] 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


interest.  Consiquently  they  will  be  red  with  confi- 
dence as  to  their  truth,  let  the  contridictions  of  the 
few  be  what  they  will. 

But  some  may  think  this  will  be  a  slow  way  to 
bring  about  a  Reformation  in  our  Circumstances. 
But  if  a  large  majority  of  the  peopel  are  Republicans 
(which  I  dout  not),  ondly  let  them  do  as  the  roiallest 
do,  vote  no  person  into  any  office  (even  not  in  the 
towns)  but  what  they  are  confident  are  true  Repub- 
licans &  purge  the  State  legeslatures  from  all  fee 
officers.  Also  pay  close  attention  to  the  choice  of 
jurimen  &  make  a  common  cause  of  detecting  male 
administration  &  breaches  of  law  by  the  Juditial  & 
Executive  officers  (all  which  might  be  easily  done  if 
such  a  Society  was  formed),  it  would  soone  make  an 
ods  in  all  the  Departments  of  Government.  They 
would  all  feel  as  acting  in  the  presents  of  their  Con- 
stituants  &  act  as  servents  &  not  masters.  Also  by 
being  thus  furnished  with  the  meens  of  knowledge, 
all  impositions  of  all  ordirs  of  men  might  be  detectted 
&  surpresed,  &  all  hurtful  fashons  &  customes  Might 
be  reformed,  and  Agruculture,  Manifactoryes,  In- 
dustries &  Econimy  promoted.  For  it  is  for  the 
want  of  such  meens  of  information  that  a  grate  parte 
of  the  studdyes  &  improvements  of  larnt  men  & 
Societyes  established  for  these  purposes  are  intirely 
lost. 

If  such  a  Society  was  established  our  Representi- 
tives  in  Congress  would  have  some  reason  to  boste 
of  our  being  the  most  free  and  inlightned  peopel  in 
the  world,  &  it  would  in  their  present  disputes  in- 
corage  one  side  &  depress  the  other  as  much  as  the 

[65] 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


memorials  &  petitions  did  that  ware  sent  their  in 
favour  of  the  Brittish  treety. 

Such  a  Society  would  convince  the  world  that 
Emarica  can  &  will  be  free,  &  would  do  more  to 
prevent  a  war  with  france  than  all  we  have  in  our 
power  to  do  other  ways. 

And  I  have  often  had  it  impressed  on  my  mind 
that  in  some  such  way  as  this  Society  might  be 
organised  throughout  the  world  as  well  as  govern- 
ment, &  by  sotial  corraspondance  &  mutual  conses 
tions  all  differences  might  be  settled,  so  that  wars 
might  be  bannished  from  the  Earth.  For  it  is  from 
the  pride  &  ambition  of  rulers  &  the  ignorance  of  the 
peopel  that  wars  arise,  &  no  nation  as  a  nation  ever 
got  anithing  by  making  war  on  others,  for  what  evr 
their  conquests  may  have  bin  the  plunder  goes  to  a 
few  individuals,  &  always  increases  the  misiryes  of 
more  than  it  helpes. 

For  the  prinsapel  hapiness  of  a  Man  in  this  world 
is  to  eat  &  drink  &  injoy  the  good  of  his  Labour,  & 
to  feal  that  his  Life  Libberty  &  property  is  secure, 
&  not  in  the  abundance  he  poseses  nor  in  being  the 
instrument  of  other  mens  miseryes.  All  the  advan- 
tage of  national  dealings  is  commerce  &  the  exchenge 
of  the  produce  of  one  cuntry  for  another,  which  if  it 
might  be  carried  on  without  wars  would  increase  the 
hapiness  of  all  Nations.  But  as  it  is  in  general 
conducted  it  ads  to  the  miseryes  of  mankind. 

Thus  my  frinds  I  have  tryed  to  describe  to  you 
(not  in  the  language  &  stile  of  the  Larned  for  I  am 
not  able)  But  in  as  plane  a  manner  as  I  am  capable, 
the  Causes  that  have  always  destroyed  free  govern- 

[661 


The   Key   of  Libber  ty 


ments,  &  the  daingerous  circumstances  we  are 
brought  into  by  said  Causes.  Also  described  what  I 
think  would  prove  a  Remidy,  which  is  not  a  costly 
one,  for  if  it  should  once  become  general,  confident 
I  am  that  each  penny  laid  out  in  it  would  soone  save 
pounds.  I  have  also  placed  a  Constitution  at  the 
close  of  this  adress  with  a  Covenant  ready  for  sign- 
ing, which  though  an  imperfect  one  may  answer  for 
the  beginning  of  said  Society.  And  unless  you  see 
more  dificulty  in  applying  the  Reamidy  or  less  need 
of  it  than  I  do,  you  will  immediately  put  it  on  foot 
&  neaver  give  over  untill  such  a  Society  is  established 
on  such  a  strong  &  lasting  foundation  that  the  gates 
of  hell  can  never  prevail  against  it  —  which  may  the 
Almighty  grant  is  the  sincear  desire  of 

A    LABOURER. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  LABOURING  SOCIETY 

Introduction 

It  Whereas  it  hath  pleased  the  Supreem  Govenour 
of  the  Universe  for  the  fall  of  man  to  plase  the  ere- 
varsable  sentance  on  him  that  in  the  swet  of  thy  face 
shall  thou  eate  thy  bred,  it  is  undoutedly  the  duty 
of  every  person  that  is  blesed  with  the  facultyes  of  a 
sound  body  &  mind,  to  apply  himselfe  industerously 
to  some  honest  cauling  for  the  benifit  of  himselfe  & 
Society. 

2d  Although  their  are  many  caulings  by  which 
men  may  live  honistly  without  Labour,  yet  as  Labour 
is  the  soul  parrant  of  all  property  by  which  all  are 
seported,  therefore  the  cauling  aught  to  be  honour- 
able &  the  Labourer  respected. 

[67] 


The   Key   of  Libber ty 


3d  And  whareas  not  ondly  the  Constitutions  of 
our  governments  alow  of  asotiations  &  the  Libberty 
of  the  press,  but  all  ordirs  of  men  who  live  without 
Labour  have  improved  thereon,  therefore  we  whoes 
names  are  hereunto  subscribed,  in  ordir  to  establish 
as  cheep,  easy  &  sure  conveyance  of  knowledge  & 
laming  nesecary  for  a  free  man  to  have  as  posable, 
&  to  promote  a  similiaraty  of  sentiments  &  manners, 
Industry  &  Economy,  Agraculture  &  Mani  factor  yes 
&cc,  Do  hereby  constitute  ourselves  into  a  Sociaty 
of  frinds  by  the  Name  of  the  Labouring  Society. 

Article  I 

Snct  1.  The  persones  who  Constitute  this  So- 
ciety are  all  the  free  male  persons  who  are  21  years 
of  age,  who  Labour  for  a  living  in  the  United  States 
and  are  willing  to  joine  &  submit  to  the  Regulations 
thereof. 

SECt  2.  Also  their  are  admited  into  it  all  persons 
of  ani  other  denominations  provided  they  subscribe 
to  its  funds  &  submit  to  the  Regulations  of  said 
Sosiety. 

Article  II 

The  Society  shall  be  divided  into  metings  like  the 
ordir  of  Cincinaty,  viz.  —  Class  —  Town  —  County 
—  State  &  Continental  Meetings. 

Class  Meetings 

SECt  It.  The  Class  Meetings  may  be  formed  by  a 
grater  or  less  number  just  as  their  situation,  circum- 
stances, or  inclinations  Sute.  A  single  person  may 

[68] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


be  a  class  if  he  will  be  at  the  expence  thereof,  or 
twenty  may  join  together  &  have  them  a  Librarian, 
so  use  the  Magazein  by  turnes  or  meet  together  & 
have  it  red. 

Town  Meetings 

Ssct  2.  The  Town  Meetings  to  include  all  the 
clases  belonging  to  each  town,  unles  they  are  two 
large.  In  that  Case  they  may  divide  as  they  find 
nesecary,  &  they  shall  meet  anually  on  the  4th  of 
July  at  4  o'clock  arfternoone  &  choose  them  a 
president,  Vice  president,  clurke  &  treasurer  or 
colector. 

County  Meetings 

Ssct  3d.  The  County  Meetings  shall  be  formed  by 
the  presidents  of  the  Town  Meting  when  they  can 
atend,  &  when  they  cannot  the  Vice  presidents  may 
in  their  roome,  who  shall  meet  Annually  on  the  It 
tuesday  in  September  &  choose  officers  as  the  Town 
Meetings  did. 

State  Meetings 

SECt  4th.  The  State  Meetings  to  be  formed  by  the 
presidents  of  the  County  Meetings  as  the  County 
Meetings  ware  by  the  Town  presidents,  who  shall 
meet  annually  on  the  first  tuesday  In  October  & 
chooes  them  officers  as  the  County  Meetings  did. 

Continental  Meetings 

SECt  5t.  The  continental  meetings  to  be  formed 
by  the  State  presidents,  appointing  a  sefitiant  num- 

[69] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


her  of  faithful  persones  somewhare  neare  the  senter 
of  the  Continant,  to  receive  &  convey  by  corras- 
pondance,  all  nesecary  information  in  the  safest  & 
most  expiditious  manner  possable. 

Article  III 

The  main  bisness  of  all  these  officers  &  meetings 
are  to  invent  the  cheepest  &  most  expeditious 
meathod  of  conveying  all  the  knoledge  described  in 
the  35  pages  of  this  book,  to  the  Clases,  espatially 
all  they  need  in  elections,  by  furnish[ing]  the  Clases 
with  a  Munthly  Magazein,  &  the  Town  president 
with  a  weekly  newspaper,  &  when  nesecary  by 
spetial  meetings,  hand  bills  &  other  corraspondance. 
Also  to  receive  &  examine  all  complantes  against 
Juditial  &  Executive  Officers  for  breaches  of  the 
Laws  &  Constitutions,  &  when  nesecary  to  make 
presentments,  prosecutions,  &  manage  impeachments, 
receiving  the  pay  for  the  hole  from  the  Clases  untill 
other  funds  can  be  established  for  that  purpose. 
And  as  soone  as  can  be  thought  proper,  aply  to  the 
State  Legeslatures  for  acts  of  Incorperations,  to 
receive  Donations  &  establish  funds  for  the  seport  of 
said  Society  &  introduce  the  best  regulations  pos- 
sable amongue  them. 

Article  IV 

If  any  persone  belonging  to  the  Society  should  be- 
have unbecomeing  or  be  mistrusted  of  imbesling  the 
Societyes  money,  neglecting  the  duty  he  undertakes, 
or  any  ways  trying  to  ingure  the  Society  he  may  be 
removed  from  it  by  a  majority  of  the  Meeting  to 

[70] 


The   Key   of  Libberty 


which  he  belonges,  &  if  an  Officer,  another  chosen  in 
his  roome. 

Article  V 

The  president  of  either  Meeting  shall  have  power 
to  call  the  Meeting  together  at  anitime  when  he 
thinks  nesecary,  &  in  his  absence  the  Vice  president 
may  do  the  same,  &  they  shall  be  oblige  to  do  so 
when  ever  fifteen  Members  of  the  Meeting  requests  it. 

Article  VI ',  Or  a  Covenant  to  be  Signed 

We  the  Subscribers,  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of 

in  the  County  of  and  State  of 

haveing  considered  the  foregoing  Constitution  &  the 
ends  for  which  said  Society  is  formed,  Do  hereby 
ingage  to  submit  to  the  Regulations  &  seporte  the 
Honour  &  Dignity  thereof,  so  long  as  they  are  con- 
ducted agreable  to  the  Laws  &  Constitutions  of  the 
government  we  live  under,  &  punctually  pay  our 
proportions  of  the  cost  of  seporting  the  same,  &  that 
we  will  always  be  riady  to  seporte  the  Constituted 
Athorityes  in  the  surpressions  of  Insurrections, 
Rebellions,  or  Invation  of  a  common  enemy.  Also 
that  we  will  take  pains  to  informe  ourselves  into  the 
true  prinsaples  carictor  &  abilityes  of  all  those  we 
vote  for  into  any  office  in  the  Government  we  live 
under,  &  that  we  will  attend  on  all  elections  when  we 
can  &  put  in  a  vote  for  those  persones  we  think  will 
serve  the  publick  the  best. 

Witness  oure  hand. 

FINIS. 

[711 


10  W23 


Key  ofJ^ipberty 
^Manuscripts 


DR.  HENRY  MANNING  was  born  at  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  on 
January  15,  1787.  His  descent  is  from  William  Manning  who 
came  to  America  before  1634,  settled  in  Cambridge,  Mass.,  and  whose 
grandson,  Samuel,  built  the  Manning  Manse  in  North  Billerica  in  1696, 
now  held  by  the  descendants  of  William  as  the  Family  Homestead. 
Samuel  Manning,  Jr.,  kept  the  ferry  in  Billerica,  and  was  entrusted 
with  the  town  stock  of  powder.  He  later  occupied  the  old  homestead  in 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  and  was  a  public  officer  there  for  nearly  fourteen 
years,  and  is  referred  to  as  Ensign  Samuel  Manning,  Jr.  In  1714  he 
purchased  land  in  W7indham,  Conn.,  between  Merricks  and  Beaver 
Brook,  andNwas  selectman,  tithing-man,  and  on  the  school  com- 
mittee at  different  periods.  He  died  at  the  age  of  90  years.  His  son 
John  acquired  his  property,  and  built  a  large  house,  that  is  still 
standing  in  good  condition,  a  saw-mill  and  a  grist-mill.  He  was  one  of 
the  original  Connecticut  proprietors  of  the  Susquehanna  Purchase 
acquired  from  Indians  in  Pennsylvania.  His  second  wife,  Sarah 
Seabury,  was  a  direct  descendant  of  Governor  WTilliam  Bradford,  who 
came  to  Plymouth,  Mass.,  in  the  Mayflower.  Their  son  John  was  a 
Revolutionary  soldier,  a  prominent  citizen  of  Lebanon,  and  a  deacon 
in  the  church.  His  wife,  Mary  Perkins,  descended  from  John  and 
Judith  Perkins  of  Ipswich,  Mass.,  who  came  to  America  on  the  ship 
with  Roger  Williams  in  1631. 

Dr.   Henry  Manning  was  the  son  of  John  Manning  and  Mary 
Perkins,  coming  from  an  ancestory  that  developed  successful  pioneers, 


it  was  natural  that  he,  too,  should  set  his  face  toward  the  westward 
after  his  school  training  at  the  Bacon  Academy  at  Colchester,  Conn., 
and  his  medical  training  in  the  offices  of  Dr.  Hutchinson  of  Lebanon, 
and  then  with  Dr.  White  of  Cherry  Valley,  New  York.  During  inter- 
vals in  this  training  he  was  teaching  school. 

In  181 1  he  went  on  horseback  to  Youngstown,  Ohio. 

In  1812  he  was  a  surgeon  in  the  Ohio  Militia  on  frontier  service  at 
Cleveland,  Huron,  and  Lower  Sandusky.  The  affectionate  regard  of 
his  home  regiment  assured  a  successful  medical  career  on  his  return 
home  in  i8n,  where  he  also  established  a  drug-store  with  Col. 
C.  B.  Wick.  ' 

He  represented  his  county  in  the  Legislature  in  1819  and  1843;  was 
State  Senator  in  1844;  Associate  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas, 
1835-42;  President  of  the  Mahoning  Bank  from  1854  up  to  his 
eightieth  year;  President  of  the  First  National  Bank  from  1862-1866, 
and  was  always  active  in  building  up  the  industrial  enterprises  of  his 
town. 

He  married  Lucretia  Kirtland,  and  their  daughter  Mary  married 
William  Johnson  Edwards,  and  their  daughter  Louisa  Mary  is  still 
living  in  Youngstown.  He  married,  second,  Mary  Bingham,  and  they 
had  eleven  children,  of  which  John  received  college  degrees,  practiced 
medicine,  engaged  in  business,  and  was  Mayor  of  Youngstown.  He 
married  Anna  Sophia  Edwards,  and  they  had  eight  children  in  Young- 
stown. Caroline  Lord  was  very  active  in  benevolent  work  in  Youngs- 
town. She  married  Richard  Gustavus  Garlick,  and  they  had  four 
children  in  Youngstown.  Lucretia  Kirtland  married  Timothy  Dwight 
Baldwin  and  had  ten  children  in  Youngstown.  Henry  Manning  was 
engaged  in  business  and  was  senior  warden  of  St.  John's  Church  for 
many  years.  He  married  Sophia  Arms,  and  had  three  children  in 
Youngstown.  Rufus  Perkins  Manning  was  a  quartermaster  in  the 
Rebellion,  in  business  in  Youngstown.  He  married  Clare  Olive 
Griffith,  and  then  had  ten  children  in  Youngstown. 

The  successful  career  of  these  children  of  Dr.  Henry  Manning  is 
being  continued  by  their  children  and  grandchildren. 

This  second  Key  of  Libberty  Manuscript  is  being  distributed  to 
institutions  that  have  received  the  Key  of  Libberty  book,  to  be 
attached  to  this  book,  as  a  memorial  to  my  father  and  mother, 
Caroline  Lord  Manning  and  Richard  Gustavus  Garlick. 

To..< 

/      I) 
From 

(Sign/ture)     (HENRY  MANNING  GARLICK) 
Youngstown,  Ohio 

Published  by  the  Manning  Association,  Manning  Manse,  No.  Billerica,  Mass. 
November,  1922 


\ 


DAY 


LD9-30m-12,'76(T2555s8)4185 — S-87 


YC  o^ 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRA 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  UBRARY 


